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For the Prevention of a New War 
Election News 

Police Interference against Communist Party 
War Economy in Israel 
si on with Leftists 


HX 

632 

M 

VI9 

NO.1124 
MAIN 


RMATION BULLETIN 


UNIST PARTY OF ISRAEL 




Contents 

II n M IIII11IIII M IIIIIIII11II 


Page 

7th- Plenary Session of Central Committee, 

Communist Party of Israel. 1 

Communique, 7th Plenary Session. 3 

M. Vilner - Speech at 7th Plenary Session of 
Central Committee of the Communist 
Party of Israel. 5 

E. Touma - Election Campaign and Real Issues. 20 

Statement at the Press-Conference convened by 

"Al-Ittihad". 25 

Mass Arbitrary Detentions. 28 

T. Gozansky- War Economy in Israel . 33 

Statement of "Matzoen" and Comments of 

"Zo Haderekh". 42 

Materials and Documents. 50 







!• I 



' 3 -. 


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in 2018 with funding from 
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THE 7th PLENARY SESSION OF THE C.C. OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF 

ISRAEL 

On September 10-11, 1969, the 7th plenary session of the Central 
Committee of the Communist Party of Israel was held with the 
participation of members of the Central Control Commission. 

The session was chaired by comrade Ruth Lubitz , member,Political 
Bureau. 

At the beginning of the session, the Central Committee honoured 
the memory of comrde Ho Chi Minh,the outstandina leader of the 
Vietnamese communists, one of the heroical leaders of the 
workers' movement and of the international communist movement, 
a fearless fighter against imnerialism, for national liberation 
and socialism. Comrade Meir Vilner spoke about his personality. 
The C.C. paid respect to Ho Chi Minh's memory by observing two= 
minutes' silence. 

Comrade Meir Vilner , the Secretary General, then sooke about the 
theme; "The results of the elections to the 11th Histadrut 
Congress, the political situation and our position towards 
the elections to the seventh term of the Knesset and to the 
Municipal Councils". 

Discussion followed which was summed up by the speaker. The 
session confirmed the report and the summary, adopted resolu¬ 
tions and confirmed the election platform and the list of 
candidates for the seventh term of the Knesset. 

The C.C. pointed out that the results of the elections to the 
11th Congress of the Histadrut were characterized by the 
abstention of more than a third of the voters and by the big 
decline in votes received by the "Alignment" (Mapai, Ahdut- 
Avoda and Rafi). These results prove that very wide strata of 
the workers opposed the policy of the Alignment leadership in 
the Histadrut, which ianores the interests and the rights of the 
toilers and sides with the employers and the Government. They 
also prove the existence of a growing dissatisfaction with the 
general policy cT the Alignment in the country which has met 
with complete’ failure. The Histadrut elections prove that there 
is a growing disappointment in the working class because the 
official policy did not only fail to bring the people security, 
but it brought about the aggravation of the situation, a risina 
number of victims, a growing danger of war, the extreme 
militarization of the economy and of the state budget, and the 
danger of a new economic crisis. The policy of the Alignment 
leadership in the Histadrut enabled Gahal (a bloc of parties 

[ 1 ] 





transl.) and other rightist forces to lead astray additional 
toilers. 

The C.C. pointed out the success of our list - the "New Communist 
List" - in the Histadrut elections, the substantial increase of 
the number of the- Jewish toilers voting for it in the spite of 
the riotous chauvinism, and the great increase of the number of 
the Arab toilers voting for it in spite of terror and intimida¬ 
tions. 

The Central Committee expresses its thanks and appreciation to 
the members and sympathizers of the Party, to the members of the 
Young Communist League of Israel, to all those who have worked for 
the success of the New Communist List in the Histadrut elections, 
and calls for increasing the efforts for the success of the New 
Communist List in the elections to the seventh term of the Knesset 
and to the Municipal Councils to be held on October 28, of this 
year. 

The Central Committee calls upon alT members and sympathizers 
of the Party and of the YCL of Israel to mobilize as one man for 
the great action under the slogan: From the success in the 
Histadrut elections forward to a success in the elections to the 
Knesset and the Municipal Councils! 


[ 2 ] 




FOR THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE FORCES OF PEACE IN THE STRUGGLE TO 
PREVENT A NEW WAR AND FOR IMPLEMENTING THE SECURITY COUNCIL 

RESOLUTION ..... 

Communique of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of 
Israel (Adopted at the 7th plenary session, on Sept. 11 , 1969.) 

The Central Committee is much concerned about the increasingly 
aggravating situation in our region, by the growing danger of war. 
The cruel bloodshed is becoming intenser. The latest Israeli 
military attacks beyond the Canal have brought about a dangerous, 
significant escalation, and have placed the region on the 
brink of a new general war. 

Since the June 1967 war and the occupation of Arab territories 
in Jordan, Egypt and Sy:"ia, our party, the Communist Party of 
Israel,has <warned against the delusion that military victory and 
occupation of Arab territories will bring Israel security. We 
warned against the integration into the global plan of American 
imperialism for the overthrow of the progressive regimes in the 
Arab countries. Since November 1967 we have incessantly demanded 
of the Israeli Government to lend a hand to implementing the 
Security Council resolution, which would bring about the cessa¬ 
tion of bloodshed, and lead to a stable and just peace. We warned 
that the obstinate insistence uoon territorial annexations would 
bring new and grave dangers. 

However, the ruling circles refuse to lend a hand to implementing 
the Security Council resolution, and thus they and the American 
imperialist circles which stand behind them, are responsible for 
the intensification of the hostility and the aggravation of the 
war danger. The full implementation of the Security Council 
resolution, which demands retreat from all the occupied areas, 
a just solution of the question of the Arab refugees, 
at the same time obliges the abolition of belligerency, tut 
recognition of the right withirt recognized and secure borders, 
and free shipping for Israel, just as for other states, in the 
Bay of Aqaba and in the Suez Canal. 

The Central Committee calls upon all forces of peace, upon all 
citizens of Israel to be vigilant, to prevent the disaster of 
a new war. Security for Israel will not be achieved on the 
winas of the Phantom, Mirages and Skyhawk planes. 

The support given by American, West German and other imperialist 
circles to the Israeli Government for a permanent confrontation 
with the anti-imperialist regimes in the Arab countries, and for 
a permanent assault on the Arab national movement - is to the 

[ 3 ] 


detriment of Israel, to the detriment of peace between it and the 
Arab countries, and it constitutes a most unreliable support. 

As the situation is aggravating, there are again voices heard in 
Israel calling for the "overthrow of Nasser". These voices have 
become stronger a.fter the American Phantoms were received and 
after the anti-imperialist republican revolution in Lybia. 

American imperialist circles are worried about the progressive 
developments in the Arab world, and strive, by means of a new 
war, to cause the downfall of the present regime in Egypt, in 
order to impose a pro-imperialist government. Certain circles 
in Israel hope in this way to realize their aspirations to 
territorial expansion and annexations. 

The Central Committee warns against these dangerous imperialist' 
plans, at the expense of the blood of young Israelis and Arabs. 
Those are the same inadmissible, erroneous calculations which 
lay at the foundation of the June 1957 war, and which have failed 
completely. These plans ignore the decisive fact - the balance 
of forces in the world, which is no longer in favour of imperia¬ 
lism, but in favour of the forces of peace, of the peoples fight¬ 
ing against imperialism, in favour of the forces of socialism. 

The Soviet Union and the other socialist countries struggle in 
the international arena for the prevention of a new war in our 
region, for the establishment of a lasting and just peace for 
the benefit of Israel and the Arab peoples alike. The Soviet 
Union and the other socialist countries, together with all peace- 
loving peoples in the world, demand the full implementation of 
the Security Council resolution of November 22, 1967. This 
realistic and just solution has received the consent of Egypt, 
Jordan, Lebanon and other Arab countries. 

The Central Committee calls upon all the forces of peace in 
Israel-, upon all those possessing a sense of national responsi¬ 
bility an<^ political realism to close the ranks in the struggle 
against the war mania, for saving Israel from national disaster, 
for preventing its taking up again the way of blood and tears, the 
perilous way that leads to nowhere. 

The cessation of the bloodshed is feasible. This depends upon us, 
upon Israel, upon our consenting to lend, a hand to a stable, just 
peace, to a peace without annexations, to the implementation of 
the Security Council resolution. 


[ 4 ]. 




FROM THE SUCCESS IN THE HISTADRUT ELECTIONS TO A SUCCESS 
IN THE ELECTIONS TO THE KNESSET AND THE MUNICIPAL COUNCIL 
(Abridged from the speech delivered by comrade 
Meir Vilner at the 7th Plenary Session of 
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Israel) 

II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II 11 II II M II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II M II II II II II II II II II 11 II II 11 II 


■ The campaign for the Histadrut elections 

Under what conditions did we conduct the election campaign to 
the Histadrut Congress, the Congress of the Working Women, the 
Congress of Agricultural Labourers and the local Workers' 

Councils ? 

This has been the first time in the history of Israel that elec¬ 
tions were held in conditions of war. On the eve of the elec¬ 
tions there had been intensified military activity and there was 
great political tension. In the election campaign a wild anti- 
Soviet and anti-communist incitement was carried out, and 
chauvinist instincts in the Jewish population were fanned. The 
government parties competed among themselves in nationalism. 

Among the Arab population the chief means used by the govern¬ 
ment parties against our Party was political terror, threats and 
limitations of movement. 

As regards to the economic situation, employment was almost full 
and there was a state of war "prosperity", though on the post¬ 
election horizon there were visible new taxes, rises in prices 
and devaluation of the Israeli lira, all intended to lower the 
wages and living a standard of the workers and popular masses in 
order to finance the Moloch of war. 

There is an essential difference of the political situation 
between the Jewish and the Arab population. 

In the Jewish population chauvinism is still dominant. However, 
the prevalent policy of aggression and annexations is passing 
through a crisis. There is disappointment among the public 
regarding the promises given by the governing parties that the 
June Wat and the subseguerit occupation would bring the people of 
Israel security and peace. The facts of reality show that Israel 
had had never so many victims as in the period following the 
military victory in the June War. Many there are in the oopula- 
tion that are no longer sure, as they had been before, of the 
correctness of the prevailing policy, but they do not yet see any 
positive way-out and are ■ 


[ 5 ,] 




affected by the official nropaqanda which alleges that the peoole 
of Israel has no choice but this: to kill and be killed, to 
live under conditions of a oermanent war. The central slogan of 
our Party in the elections was: There exists a choice, a stable 
"Deace is feasible ! This depends on the Israeli policy, on the 
abandonment of the line of war and annexations, on the consent 
to a oeace without annexations, to full imolementation of the 
Security Council Resolution of November 22, 1967. 

Within the Arab population there was a great progressive political 
awakening. The political terror acted as a boomerang against the 
rulers' list - the Alignment. The level of political conscious¬ 
ness of the Arab toilers had remarkably risen, and they rejected 
the chauvinist adventurist trends in the Arab population as well 
as the tendencies to frustration, calling for.submission to the 
government of oppression and national discrimination. 

Among the government parties no significant political struggle 
was waged during the election campaign. The altercation between 
them revolved around secondary political issues and on subjects 
which are not decisive. Since the written and verbal platform 
of the Alignment dictated by the war minister Moshe Dayan, in¬ 
cluded demands for extensive territorial annexations, neither 
Gahal not the 'Other rightist parties had anything to compete 
about with the Alignment in decisive political questions. Also 
from the point of view of prostrating themselves before imperia¬ 
lism, particularly American imperialism, there was no-difference 
between the ruling parties. 

The Results of the Histadrut elections 

The results of the Histadrut elections show that there was an 
unprecedentedly high abstention from voting. Only 65% voted. 

This ordves the lack of confidence on part of a great portion of 
Histadrut members in the anti-worker Alignment leadership, the 
dissatisfaction with the economic situation, and with the 
incessant bloodshed. The mass abstention has a positive signifi¬ 
cance, inasmuch as it testifies to the shakina of the confi¬ 
dence in the present policy. But it has also a negative aspect 
inasmuch as it shows that hundreds of^thousands of abstainers 
.have not yet come to see the alternative road of oeace and defense 
of the rights of the workers. In contradiction to those who 
loudly proclaim that there has been "a shift to the right" in the 
elections, it appears that despite their disillusion with the 
Alignment, Histadrut members have not substantially increased 
their support to Gahal and the other rightist parties. 

The most prominent result of the Histadrut elections is the big 

[ 6 ] 




decline of the Alignment. If in the elections to the 10th 
Congress of the Histadrut in 1965 the parties now forming the 
Alignment (The Mapai-Ahdut-Avoda Alignment together with Rafi 
and Mapam) received 77.52% of all votes, now the Alignment only 
got 62,23%, a decline by more than 15%. 

After the elections the Alignment leaders, shocked by the 
results, were forced to admit some of their guilt, at least as 
regards their trade-union policy. 

The Prime Minister, Mrs. Golda Meir was compelled to admit: "We 
have extraordinarily succeeded in making ourselves loathsome in 

the eyes of the public. This has been done by none but 
ourselves" . 

The Histadrut elections have proved that there is no truth in 
the defeatist opinions as if the working class and the people of 
Israel will always move in the old groove. They have proved that 
the people is beginning to rise, to think independently, to think 
anew, that there is much confusion and much looking for a new 
way. 

The Alignment leaders have not learned their lesson. They will 
try to alter some of their tactics, to moderate their relation 
of open contempt towards the workers, but fundamentally they 
will continue their anti-worker and anti-national policy. This 
has been heralded by the Prime Minister G. Meir, when she 
demanded of her fellow-party members to explain to the workers, 
more than before, the Zionist tasks of the Histadrut, the 
necessity of sacrifices for the alleged general interests. 

"The working class in the country", said G. Meir, "is the force 
that cannot detach itself from the state and it is responsible 
for the state." (All quotations from "Yediot Ahronot" - 7.9.69.). 

By this demagogical appeal to the sense of responsibility for 
statehood on part of the workers, the Prime Minister hopes to 
bring them to resign themselves to low wages, the deprivation of 
rights, and to fantastic profits for the millionaires and foreign 
capital. But there are more and more workers who understand that 
there is not only no contradiction between the good of the 
workers and the true interests of Israel, but that conversely, 
the good of the workers is also the good of Israel. 

Though the Histadrut elections do not signify any shift to the 
right, one cannot ignore the fact that the right wing in the 
Histadrut, which has long-standing traditions of a struggle 
against the values of the workers' movement, and which had 

[ 7 ] 





already before been stronger than the left wing (following 
Mapam's joining the Alignment), has increased in these elections. 
Gahal, the Free Centre, the State List and the Independent 
Liberals will constitute 28% of the Histadrut institutions, 
while the left opposition will be relatively small in future too,, 
though it will be bigger than till now. 

The task of our Party in the Histadrut after these elections is- 
double: On the one hand we have to concentrate the struggle 
against the Alignment leadership and the anti-worker oolicy 
serving the emoloyers and the Government. On the other hand we 
have to concentrate the struggle against Gahal and the other 
rightist parties, which will bring pressure to bear upon the 
Alignment to wage a still more extreme anti-worker policy for 
the benefit of the emoloyers and in the service of the aggressive 
and annexationist policy of the Government, a policy which 
costs immense amounts of money, a burden which is mainly borne 
by the workers- and popular masses. 

Our Communist group (in the Histadrut institutions) will work 
for the consolidation of all opposition forces in the Histadrut 
in the struggle for defending the daily interests of the workers 
and for the attainment of peace. 

The Success of the New Communist List 

Our list, the New Communist List, received 13,943 votes as com¬ 
pared with 8,369 votes received in the elections to the 10th 
Histadrut Congress in 1965. This is an*increase of 5,574 votes, 
or 66%. From the point of view of percentage increase, our 
Party gained more than any other one. And if one takes into 
account the conditions under which we worked, one can really 
rejoice over the results. 

It has to be pointed out that this increase took place among the 
Jewish as well as the Arab working people. 

The increase of our force among the Jewish workers proves that 
by means of a correct policy and correct tactics our Party can 
increase its influence among the Jewish workers even under condi¬ 
tions of war and the frenzy of chauvinist instincts, v/hen our 
Party swims against the current and constitutes the most con¬ 
sistent oppositional force, showing the alternative to the people. 

The great increase of out votes among the Arab toilers proves 
that the level of political consciousness has risen among the 
workers, the youth and the intellectuals, who see in our Party 
the hope for a happy future, of a life of equality and brother- 

r 8 ] 



hood between Jews and Arabs in Israel and of life of peace and 
progress in our entire region. 

•In general the election results prove that we have better 
succeeded in those places where we have worked better. 

Our central slogan in these elections was: A stable peace is 
feasible and can be attained by the full implementation of the 
Security Council Resolution. We combined the campaign for the 
defense of the interests of the workers with the campaign for 
the cessation of the bloodshed, for peace without annexations. 

The official press circulated a false version, the outcrop of 
their sickly imagination, as to the reasons -for the great 
success of our list in the Histadrut elections among the Arab 
workers. 

It is correct that among the Arab workers out Party has won an 
unprecedented success. 31% of all the Arab members of the 
Histadrut have given their vote to our Party. But what is there 
to wonder about? It is amazing that two thirds of the Arab 
workers have still voted for the Alignment, for the parties of 
the Government which oppresses them and discriminates against 
them. If our internationalist, Jewish-Arab Party, has gained 
an increase among the Jewish workers despite the high tide of 
chauvinism, what's the wonder that it has gained such a soecta- 
cular increase among the Arab workers, who rightly consider it 
the symbol of the struggle for equality of national rights and 
Jewish-Arab brotherhood, consider it the symbol of the struggle 
against the policy of occupation and annexation and for a just 
and stable peace without annexations, for ensuring the just 
rights of both peoples, the people o-f Israel and the Palestinian 
Arab people ? 

The Zionist leaders and their propaganda mouthpieces, who are* 
stuck deep in the swamp of nationalism, who trample on the 
elementary rights of the Palestinian Arab people and on the 
elementary human rights of the inhabitants of the occupied areas, 
have now brought up the ridiculous conjecture that the Arab 
toilers voted for our Party not because of progressive political 
considerations, but precisely because of anti-Israeli 
nationalistic extremism. This conjecture is as foolish as it is 
vicious and those who circulate it know this as well as we do. 

For reality is completely different. The present elections to 
the Histadrut were profoundly political elections among the Arab 
toilers. Two factors stood up against our Party among the Arab 
population. One factor is constituted by the extreme nationalist 

[ 9 ] 


elements, which do not recoqnize the right to existence of the 
State of Israel, such as "Al-Fatah" - and these called for non¬ 
participation in the elections, because the mere participation 
in the elections means the recognition of Israel. And if there 
exist any anti-Israeli Arab nationalists who wish to camouflage 
their positions, it is exactly they who joined the Alignment as 
there they feel more secure. 

In the election campaign among the Arabs workers our Party held 
a profound and thorough discussion with the nationalist elements. 
Every voter knew, and it was emphasized to him, that our Party, 
together with its struggle against the aggressive and annexa¬ 
tionist policy of the Government, resolutely stands upon the 
right of the State of Israel to an independent existence, to a 
life of peace and security. We called in the elections for the 
full implementation of the Security Council Resolution of 
November 22, 1967, which guarantees the rights of Israel as well 
as those of the Arab countries, and which advances the realiza¬ 
tion of the -rights of the Palestinian Arab people. 

In the elections among the Arab population we stood, on the 
other hand, in a struggle against the circles which had sold 
their soul for a mess of lentils to the authorities which dis¬ 
criminate against the sons of their people and which deny the 
rights of the Palestinian Arab people and its very existence. 
These career-seeking, defeatist and hypocritical elements are 
ready to serve any government.' It is they who are also 
dangerous to the people of Israel, as they may easily turn their 
coat. 

As against this, our Communist Party educates in the spirit of 
the brotherhood of peoples, of the respect for the rights of 
all peoples, of a Jewish-Arab front against imperialism and its 
agents among Jews and Arabs alike. 

Those who fanned nationalistic and religious instincts among the 
Arab masses were the leaders of the Alignment. Histadrut 
secretary Aron Becker, appeared on the eve of the elections in 
Nazareth and fanned religious instincts by inciting against the 
Coirmunists, arguing that they do not believe in religion and 
alleging'that in the Soviet Union, no freedom of religious 
worship exists. But the workers of Nazareth gave a fitting 
reply to the hypocritical words of the Histadrut secretary. 

The Arab workers who voted for our Party, thereby expressed 
their wish for a different policy of the Histadrut, for a 
different policy of the State of Israel. They did not vote 
against the Histadrut, for then they would have boycoted the 

[ 10 ] 



elections, but just as the Jewish workers who supported our list, 
the Arab workers too voted for a Histadrut that would fight in 
defense of the workers interests, for a Histadrut in which 
equality of rights and Jewish-Arab worker brotherhood would 
prevail. The Arab workers, just as the Jewish workers who voted 
for our list, did not vote against the State of Israel, as 
alleged by the inciters, but for a change of the official Israeli 
policy, for an Israeli policy of peace, independence from 
imperialism, equality of national rights and social progress. 

By their voting en masse for our Party, the Arab workers have 
contributed a great deal to the anti-imperialist struggle, to 
the struggle for peace without annexations, for the full 
implementation of the Security Council Resolution of November 22, 
1967. Thereby they haved well served their interests as workers 
who suffer from a two-fold oppression: as workers in a capitalist 
regime and also as sons of the Arab people, upon which the 
authorities impose a policy of oppression and national discrimina¬ 
tion. 

The Histadrut elections have brought a still stronger proof that 
the Arab workers and the Arab population in Israel constitute a 
progressive force, possessing a high political consciousness, 
and contributing a big share to the general struggle for another 
Israel, one that cherishes peace, true independence, a democratic 
Israel, a home for its Jewish and Arab citizens on the basis of 
equality of rights. 

Great importance attaches to the increase of our votes among the 
Jewish workers. This is very encouraging and proves the 
correctness of the path of our Party, which has never detached 
itself from the Jewish masses, not even when it underwent the 
hardest tests, and particularly since June 1967. Under the most 
difficult conditions we held meetings, distributed party 
literature and the party press. Our party members persistently 
explained the patriotic and internationalist position of our 
Party, which has now won the confidence of additional Jewish 
workers. 

Encouraged by the results of the Histadrut elections we shall now 
mobilize’ our full force in order to bring about a success of the 
Party in the forthcoming elections to the seventh term of the 
Knesset and to the municipal councils. 

The Mikunis-Sneh Group in its failure 

The Mikunis-Sneh Group has received now, after four years of 
chauvinist, anti-Arab, anti-Soviet and anti-communist frenzy, a 
total of 11,100 votes, as compared with 10,335 votes (in 1965), 

[ 11 ] 



i.e.” an addition of only 765 votes. In important centres, such 
'as Tel Aviv, the number of votes received by the group decreased. 
As a matter of fact, the Mikunis-Sneh Groun lost thousands of 
their suooorters of 1965 and received "in exchange" an equal 
number of anti-communist votes. 

The Group received a not inconsiderable oumber of votes from 
those who had left Mapam. If one takes into'consideration that 
the votes lost by the Mikunis-Sneh Group constitute an absolute 
loss, while the additional votes are temporary which the group 
is liable to lose again, even at the forthcoming Knesset 
elections, the political failure of the Mikunis-Sneh Group in 
the Histadrut elections becomes quite clear. 

This is especially so, if one remembers that one of the chief 
arguments brought up by the Mikunis-Sneh Group in order to cause 
the split in the Party and to abandon the internationalist, 
Marxist-Leninist general line, was the slogan: "We don't Want 
to be any longer only 2% of the Jewish public. We want to be 
many and not only just." And this is how they abandoned justice, 
consciousness and conscience. However, as we had warned them, 
the treason against the ideals of communism, did not bring them 
any increase of their influence, but their disintegration. 

In the campaign to the Histadrut elections the Mikunis-Sneh 
Group did not even attempt to measure its force on the basis of 
a platform of its own. It appealed mainly to the feelings of 
mercy of the Alignment, asking to take into account tF]e services 
furnished by the group to the ruling circles, their subversive 
activities carried out abroad, their anti-Soviet services etc. 

Thus the Mikunis-Sneh Group published in the press an election 
advertisement, in which was said: 

"The CPI (read: the Mikunis-Sneh Group) has called upon itself 
the danger of being defamed by those loyal to the Kremlin because 
of defending our right to existence". According to this provoca¬ 
tive publication "those loyal to the Kremlim" are not in favour 
of the right of Israel's existence. 

A front of all Israeli fighters for peace is the order of the 
day. Such a front can contribute very much to the prevention of 
a new war, to the cessation of the bloodshed, to the elimination 
of war - once for all - from the bounds of Israeli-Arab relations. 

In the present elections there exists no possibility, because of 
various reasons, to establish one list of all fighters for peace. 
But also when the fighters for peace march under various lists, 
th'is ought not at all to prevent any co-operation among them 

[ 12 ] 


and any co-ordination of their struggle against the policy of 
occupation and annexation, liable to bring a national disaster 
upon Israel. 

The sooner a peace front will be established in Israel by all 
fighters of peace, irrespective of their ideological and 
political views, the greater will be the contribution given to 
the cause of peace in our region, to the cause of security for 
the people of Israel. The establishment of a front of fighters 
for peace in our country will constitute a most important step, 
which will quantitatively and qualitatively increase the weight 
of the consolidated force of peace; this will enable it to 
influence in a greater measure the crucial developments in the 
near future and will perhaps be decisive in the history of 
Israel. 


(Continued next page) 


r 13 ] 


In what Political Conditions will the Elections to the Knesset 

; be Held ? 

The situation in our region has been aggravated. The U.S. 
government has stiffened its stand and has for a long time now 
sabotaged the talks of the 4 powers and the Soviet-American 
talks on the affairs of our region. One of the political facts 
is the supply of Phantom planes by the USA'. Thereby a new and 
extremely perilous stage has been opened in the arms race in our 
region. The Phantom plane is not a defensive weapon, but an 
offensive one. Its supply while Israel has already a great 
superiority in respect of air-power.pursues distinct political 
objects. Such an offensive weapon has now for the first time 
been introduced into our region. 

"Ha'aretz" writes on 7.9.69.: "The Phantom is an excellent 
offensive weapon. This is the most important plane in the 
Vietnam War... In order to attack objects on the ground, the 
Phantom can reach a range of 1600 kilometres. .Hence, the Air 
Force can today cover any vital object". And the "Yediot Ahronot" 
of the same day explains what vital objects are meant: "This 
plane can reach any place in our war theatre - even farther than 
Cairo and Bagdad, and return. For the sake of comparison: the 
combative range of the Mig 21 is 600 km., and this only if 
relieved from its heavy armament. Therefore the Mig cannot, for 
example, reach Tel-Aviv from Cairo and return." ' 

We are not military experts. But these publications do not leave 
any doubt as to the essential difference between the Soviet and 
the American policy in our region. While the Soviet Union works 
for a political settlement, for peace in our region, and for the 
prevention of the arms race and of the aggravation of the situa¬ 
tion, the USA has made a further step in direction of the aggrava¬ 
tion of the armament race in our'region. 

The Consequences Did not Fail to Appear 

The consequences did not fail to appear. The extreme trends 
among the ruling circles in Israel have increased. This has 
found immediate expression in the esca2ation of air force 
activities against Egypt and Jordan. The attacks of the Israeli 
army in the Suez Bay and the military raidv^into Egypt carried 
out in these days, increase the danger of an extensive war. 

One of the important objectives of these escalative attacks is 
to sabotage the implementation of the Security Council Resolu- 
-tion, to prevent the establishment of a just and stable peace on 
the basis of this resolution. _ 

[ 14 ] . 





The Americans are to be convinced that Egypt is militarily unable 
to wage a war for the liberation of the occupied areas, and hence 
that the Americans need not have any apprehensions about getting 
too far involved in our region; hence that there is no reason 
for bringing pressure to bear upon Israel, and the status quo 
may be maintained. 

And what is the foundation of the American imperialists' 
magnanimity towards Israel ? This is answered by Abraham 
Schweizer in his article in "Ha'aretz" on 5.9.69.: 

"The Soviets argue against us that Israel is part of the western- 
imperialist alignment headed by the USA... This is the objective 
foundation for Israel's appeal to the USA to receive any 
assistance- material and moral - and whoever does not believe in 
the existence of this foundation, will encounter difficulties in 
explaining why the USA is prepared to provide Israel with arms, 
including sucn a perfect weapon as the Phantom olanes, and why 
it affords us diplomatic assistance in the UNO and other arenas. 
The USA considers itself involved in a global contest with the 
Soviet Union, and it evaluates the needs of its friends amply, 
against the background of the circumstances of the contest with 
the Soviets... There is a political rationale for USA support 
and within its bounds the USA will not act miserly". 

The minister Joseph Sapir spoke in a Gahal election meeting on 
22.8.69. very clear words: " The great service done by the State 
of Israel to the free world throughout the last two years and in 
the time of t h e six-day war, could not have been done by the 
world powers in a much longer period. Therefore it is our right 

to gratuitously receive arms and international political support 

from the free world." 


The Service to the Free World 

Since long the ruling circles and their mouthpieces have 
ceased concealing that "Israel has done a great service to the 
free world" the imperialist world, and especially to the USA, 
in the June War. However there is a fly in the ointment: The 
USA has invested vast amounts of capital and political prestige 
in the Middle East adventure and was sure of its success. In a 
certain respect her position here is more comfortable than in 
the Far East. Here she is not compelled to send her own 
soldiers. Here she relies upon the rulers of Israel that they 
will carry out the global imperialist mission and will bring 
about the overthrow of the anti-imperialist regimes in the Arab 
countries. In exchange for this the US government affords 
political backing, arms and a great deal of money for the 

[ 15 ] 











realization of the plans for territorial aggrandizement. 

However,the total result of the Middle East adventure is not 
what had been intended by the US rulers, when they requested the 
rulers of Israel to do "the great service to the free world". 

About this writes Philip Benn in the "Ma'ariv" of 5.9.69.: 

The position of the Americans is not easy. If they consent now 
to a failure of Israel, it will constitute, in the consciousness 
of the Arabs, a Soviet victory. If they side with Israel, they 
will certainly bring the Arabs nearer to the Soviet Union". 

The rushing to and fro in the official American oolicy has 
increased after the anti-imoerialist coup carried out in Libya. 
Instead of a downfall of anti-imperialist regimes in the wake of 
the June War, pro-imnerialist regimes are falling. True, the 
fundamental causes for the revolutions in Sudan and in Libya are 
internal political and social ones, but the policy of 

imperialism in the Middle East has a share in these processes. 

The Israeli Government builds its policy - also according to its 
own spokesmen by putting all its eggs into one basket: the support 
given by American imnerialism. But the suonort is given by 
American, West German and other imperialist circles to the Israeli 
Government in order to perpetualize the confrontation with the 
anti-imperialist regimes.in the Arab countries. This support 
does not stem from any love of Israel, but from the hatred against 
the anti-imperialist Arab national-movement. The all-round 
American assistance is, in the last account, to the detriment of 
Israel, to the detriment of peace with the Arab countries and 
constitutes a most unreliable support, just as every imperialist 
support. 

A Government of National Disaster 

It was not for nothing that we defined the "government of national 
rally" as a government of national disaster. We considered and 
we continue to consider the policy of the Government a danger, 
first'of all for Israel herself. _The June War has not only failed 
to bring Israel peace and security, but has brought a most diffi¬ 
cult security situation; the number of killed and wounded is 
rising from month to month and the danger of a new war looms on 
the horizon. 

Ofcourse, the ruling circles of Israel do not act only out of 
global considerations of service to the "free world" of imperia¬ 
lism against the anti-imperialist national movement in our region, 
against the socialist world, in particular against the Soviet 

[ 16 ] 



Union. This we have said all the time. The ruling circles of 
Israel have also war aims of their own; territorial expansion. 

The experience of the past two years has proved that the offical 
Israeli policy is built on sand and is extraordinarily short¬ 
sighted. It does not at all take into consideration the balance 
of forces in the world, the lesson of the Vietnam War. The 
attempt now to build an empire might look rather grotesque, were 
it not for the blood shed by the great number of young people, 
were it not for the increasing number of widows of orphans and 
bereaved parents, and were it not -f^or the dangers put before 
Israel by the official policy. 

In order to lead the public astray, the Government continues 
its misleading line of propaganda as if there were no choice to 
bring about a change in the situation and to establish peace in 
our region. But the facts daily give this official propaganda 
the lie and prove that if the Israeli Government consents to a 
peace without annexations, peace will be established ! 


The Truth about the Position of the Soviet Union 

In order to mislead the public, the ruling circles try in their 
propaganda to act according to the tactics of "catch the thief!" 
They try to put the blame for the deterioration of the situation, 
for which they, together with the American imperialists, are 
responsible, on the Soviet Union, which conducts, according to 
their libel, an anti-Israeli policy. 

But here too the facts daily give the lie to the official 
misstatements. These days the Soviet position vis-a-vis Israel 
and the crisis in our region has been made public again, and 
it gives again the lie to the anti-Soviet libels. 

At the end of his visit in Yugoslavia, the Soviet Foreign 
Minister, Andrey Gromyko, convened a press conference in Belgrade. 
Replying to the question of an Egyptian reporter, A. Gromyko said: 

"Israel has the right to independent existence safeguarded by 

suitable guarantees. Israel alleges it cannot evacuate its forces 

in the absence of guarantee for her independent existence. How¬ 

ever, this is an erroneous opinion. There exists a clear opportu¬ 
nity - and the Soviet Union supports it - that Israel and the 
other countries of the region will have an independent existence 

safeguarded by suitable g u arantees " . ("Ha'aretz" - 7.9.69.) . 

The Soviet Foreign Minister pointed out that the obstacle to the 
solution of the crisis lies in the Israeli demand for territorial 

[ 17 ] 












annexations subsequent to the June War. The Soviet Union re¬ 
jects this demand. 

Anyone capable of profound and far-sighted thinking will under¬ 
stand that the demand for territorial annexations based on 
military victory is liable to be, in the course of time, with 
the change of the balance of forces, -to the detriment of Israel. 
This is a two-edged sword. 

The Soviet policy in our. region was, and is, a policy of peace, 
of concern for the security of all the peonies of the region and 
for international security. The Soviet Union is not anti-Israeli 
just as it was not anti-Arab in 1948. In accordance with the 
principles of Marxism-Leninism in the national question, the 
Soviet Union supports the right of every nation to national in¬ 
dependence, but rejects every chauvinist demand to impose 
domination of one people over another. 

We have strongly to stress before the public that now there 

exists a historic possibility to establish peace between Israel 

and the Arab states, that Arab states, such as Egypt, Jordan, 

Lebanon and others support the implementation of the Security 
Council Resolution in its entirety and are prepared to establish 

permanent peace with Israel, based upon justice . 

'*ie do not ignore the existence of chauvinist, extreme factors in 
the Arab world. These factors are nourished in a large measure 
by the aggressive and expansionist policy of Israel's rulers, 
who reject every peace initiative, and in their nationalist 
haughtiness, create in the occupied areas an ever-increasing 
number of accomplished facts. 

These days a session of the Palestinian National Council convened. 
In the statement that was published it is said that " the aims of 
the Palestinian revolution is to liberate the soil of the whole 
of Palestine from the Zion ist occupation ". Such a position must 
be absolutely rejected. 

Such a programme does not serve the just cause of the 
abolition of the occupation, of the evacuation of the Israeli 
army from all territories occupied in the June War. It raises 
additional obstacles on the way of the efforts to establish a 
stable and just peace in our region. We are against any 
chauvinism, whether Jewish or Arab. It is impossible to ensure 
the rights of one people by depriving another people of its 
rights. 

A change of the official Israeli policy, the consent of Israel 
to a peace without annexations, will increase the healthy and 

[ 18 ] 













realistic trends in the Arab world, which already now are 
dominant, and will cut the ground from under the chauvinist 
trends. 

In view of the aggravation of the situation in our region and 
the growing war danger, on the one hand, and in view of the 
prospects for a political solution of the crisis and for the 
establishment of peace, which still subsist despite all the 
difficulties, on the other hand - we have to concentrate our 
explanation in the election campaign to the Knesset in direction 
of the prevention of a futher deterioration of the situation, in 
direction of the prevention of a new war, in direction of the 
struggle for peace without annexations. 

We have to connect the urgent political problems with economic 
and social-class problem; we have to combine the struggle for 
peace with the struggle for democracy, for equality of national 
rights and for the defense of the rights of the toilers. 

****** 

The opponents of a peace without annexations, the leaders of the 
Alignment, Gahal and all the others, will concentrate the fire 
in the election campaign to the 7th term of the Knesset, against 
our Party, will try to falsify our positions, will bring into 
play the whole weight of pressure of the police-military 
apparatus against all forces of peace, and against the Arab 
population. We have to be vigilant, to repel the attack and, 
from our side to attack the enemies of peace and of equality 
between the peoples, the stooges of imperialism in our region, 
all those who put Israel on the brink of disaster. 

After the success in the elections to the Histadrut we will 
concentrate all our forces for the success of our Party in the 
elections to the Knesset and the municipal councils. This will 
be a great service for the working class, for all Jewish and 
Arab toilers, for the national interests of our people, for the 
general cause of peace and progress in the world. 

The members and sympathizers of the Party, the members of the 
Young Communist League of Israel, the party press and the 
propaganda department, all comrades, women and men, have made 
great efrorts for the success of our Party in the election 
campaign to the Histadrut. Let us raise our work and explana¬ 
tion to a still higher level, let us work with all our force - 
and we shall succeed. 

Forward to the success of our Party in the election campaign to 
the 7th term of the Knesset and the municipal councils! 

[ 19 ] 


ELECTION CAMPAIGN AND REAL ISSUES 
By E. Touma 

The Israeli press gives the impression that the "Election 
campaign is in full swing",and the sixteen lists contestif>g the 
120 parliamentary (Knesset) seats are in an "earnest fight". 

True there crre differences between the parties belonging to the 
national government coalition and supporting the general official 
line. Thus for example Poale Agudat Yisrael, the ultra-orthodox 
party urges adopting the law of Mozes as Israel's leaal code. 
While Mapam, the Zionist Social Democratic party, in alignment 
with the labour party, toys publically, from time to time with 
socialism and fights for a secular state. 

There are also differences in annexationist appetites. On the 
one hand there is the list of Greater Israel led by Dr. Eldad 
which calls for the historical Israel and considers the present 
cease-fire 1ines’temporary borders to be pushed to the East and 
North until Israel is established in its national-historical 
boundaries, and on the other there are all shades of annexa¬ 
tionists who would settle like Mapam for the annexation of 
"Arab Jerusalem", the Syrian heights and the Gaza strip. 

On the issue of the Arabs in the occupied areas there are more 
radical differences, but then these are more so between the 
extremists among the annexationists. 

Thus for example the greater Israel list calls for the emigra¬ 
tion of these Arabs to the Arab countries (Hatzofe, 30.9.69), 
while Gahal, the bloc of parties of-the big bourgoisie, which 
considers the present cease-fire lines as borders of the new 
Israel calls for granting full civil right to the Arabs within 
greater Israel (Their programme in Ma'ariv supplement 10.10.69). 

Dayap the war minister, who represents certain substantial forces 
in the Labour Party while calling for increasing the tempo of 
"Israelising" the occupied areas wants the Arabs to remain out 
of the civil-political life of Israel (Television programme on 
2.10.69). 

Y. Allon deputy premier has gone further, he has called for self 
rule for the Arabs in the occupied areas which whould not commit 
them to recognise the unity of Jerusalem under Israeli rule or 
Israel's policies in the territories. This to his mind con¬ 
stitutes the basis of a dialogue between Israel and the Arabs 
(Lamerhav 1.10.69). 

An accompanying difference has developed over the "bridges". The 
Free Center, a splinter group which tore away from Herut, 

[ 20 ] 


is challenginq the "open bridges"* policy instituted by the 
government and initiated by M. Dayan. 

The Free Center leader S. Tamir declared that the "open bridges" 
policy encouraged terrorist activities and allowed terrorists to 
infiltrate to the "Israeli held territories" (Jerusalem Post 
29.9.69). Dayan refutes this contention and claims that "the 
open bridges proves to the Arabs that livina under Israel's rule 
does not mean that they are beina cut off from the rest of the 
Arab world" (Television broadcast 2.10.69). 

But all this emphasises that the real basic issues facing the 
country - the way out of the Middle East crisis, Israel's 
foreign relations and specifically Israeli-Arab relations - 
are not being debated by the national coalition parties and 
lists suoporting the official line. 

Collusion with U.S. imperialism (officially called Israeli-U.S. 
friendship), dictating "peace" terms to the Arab peoples and the 
strategy of war as an arbiter of conflicts seem to be the sphere 
of agreement between the official line lists in this election. 

THE REAL ISSUE 

It is pertinent therefore to remark that the real issue in these 
elections is between the coalition parties (lists) and the 
Israeli Communist Party known for the purposes of the elections 
as the New Communist List (N.C.L.; called Rakah in Hebrew). It 
is the N.C.L. which is putting on the election map the issue of 
war and peace; of the Middle East crisis and of Israel's foreign 
relations. 

Thus the N.C.L. offers the real political alternative to the 
official line. The N.C.L. calls for the break with U.S. imperia¬ 
lism which wants Israel to perform the duties of gendarme in the 
Arab world against the Arab national liberation revolutionary 
process sweeping the imperialist positions. It calls for Israel's 
acceptance of the security council resolution of Nov. 22, 1967, 
which has all the elements capable of solving the Arab-Israeli 
conflict and for Israel being ready to implements its part of 


* This mean's allowing Arabs of the occupied areas to visit the 
Arab countries and to send their young people to universities 
in those countries. It allows them to trade (export their 
produce} with Jordan. 


[ 21 ] 




the Resolution*. It calls for a policy of understanding with 
the Arab countries and for Jewish-Arab brotherhood. 

The N.C.L. considers the official policy calling for Israeli- 
Arab direct negotiation at this stage a smoke screen to cover 
up its annexationist ambitions, and a means to scuttle attempts 
and international initiatives to solve the conflict politically 
and peacefully. Israel's official rebuff to the latest U.A.R. 
agreement to indirect negotiations on the 1948 Rhodes pattern** 
and its continued refusal to indirect agreement to implement the 
security council resolution shows that the Israeli ruling 
circles, gaining confidence from U.S. support and encouragement 
as expressed in Premier G. Meir's latest talk with U.S. 
president Nixon, are still for from the path of peace. 

ANTI-COMMUNIST INCITEMENT 

The political constellation explains why the whole wrath of the 
ruling circles is directed against N.C.L. . this was brutally 
expressed in the threat of Y. Allon deputy premier, levelled at 
the N.C.L. Arab supporters. 

Speaking in Acre Allon addressed his "supporters" among the 
Arabs in these words; 

"For the sake of continued good relations, you must dissociate 
yourself from the N.C.L.. If the New Communist Ust gains in 
strength, it will be a terrible disappointment for the Jews who 
for 21 years have been trying to nurture the idea of fraternity 
and normal relations between the two. communities Allon 

added if the N.C.L. won another seat in the Knesset it would 
not affect its composition or the future government's policy, 
"But it will ruin the mind of Arab youth and it will limit the 
possibility of Jewish-Arab dialogue. It will greatly damage the 
interests of the Arab population..." (Jerusalem Post 9.10.69). 
Leaving out the false claim that the ruling circles contributed 
to developing fraternity between the Jewish and Arab comimunities 
in Israel, and leaving out the open threat that the interests of 
the Arabs are liable to suffer if they vote in larger numbers 


* It demands withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the occupied 
Arab territories, the end of belligerency and the recognition of 
the right of all states in the area to exl^st with full sovereignty, 
free shipping for Israel in Suez and the Gulf of Aqaba and solu¬ 
tion of the Arab refuges problem. 

** There the Israeli-Arab sides negotiated indirectly with the 
assistance of U.N. general secretary R. Bunch and concluded the 
armistice agreements after the Palestine War. 

[ 22 ] 




for the N.C.L. * , objective observers saw in All on's statement 
on the question of dialogue a very dangerous symptom. 

First, the N.C.L. is a Jewish-Arab Communist Party, and if a 
larger portion of Arabs support it, the fact remains that it 
renresents a definite political line, which is in the interest 
of' both peoples of the country. If its success limits any 
dialogue, it is not the Jewish-Arab dialogue but the Israeli 
dialogue between the ruling circles and the real opposition. 

Second, if the Israeli ruling circles cannot bear a dialogue 
with its opposition, it means it also refuses any international 
or regional dialogue with the forces which contest its premises 
of expansionism and dictation. 

Third, if in increased Arab support to the N.C.L., because the 
N.C.L., supports the legitimate riqhts of both the Israeli and 
Arab peoples, the ruling circles see a limitation of the Jewish- 
Arab dialogue in Israel, it means they close the door hermeti¬ 
cally to an Israeli-Arab dialogue in the region. 

It seemed to observers that under the conditions of increased 
Israeli isolation internationally the only Jewish-Arab dialogue 
which the Israeli ruling circles are willing to tolerate is 
their monologue of dictation with their Arab lackeys who support 
the policy of national discrimination. 

* 


Though the real issues are not on the map of the coalition 
parties, they are there, though the contest here is unequl, the 
coalition parties and supporters of the official line have .the 
huge information media at their disposal while the N.C.L. has 
very limited means and is being hamoered on every side. For not 
only the N.C.L. Arab supporters are being cudgeledjthe Jewish 
supporters are being victimised as well. The press is full of 
tendentious news items liable to frighten the people. Thus on 
9.10.69 the press (Yediot Ahronot) carried a socalled public 
opinion poll claiming that 42% agreed to outlaw the N.C.L. 
However it is growing clear that threats would not save the rul¬ 
ing circles who have reached a dead end in their adventurous 
annexationist policy. 


*In the Histadrut elections over 30% voted for the N.C.L. while 
62% voted for the alignment. 


[ 23 ] 



ISOLATION AND REPRESSION IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES 

This dead end state has become more bluntly clear in the occu¬ 
pied territories lately. Gone are the illusions about rappro¬ 
chement between the Arab people and the occupying authorities, 
and the elements who raised the banner of a "Palestine entity" 
as a means’to give the occupation a show of legality have 
practically disappeared. What remains is the manysided 
v’esistence and the stark repression. 

Deportations of patriots is increasing and two groups have been 
deported to the East bank of the Jordan from occupied Nablus, 
Jenin, Hebron and other places. 

The last group deported on 6.10.69 included Ramallah's mayor and 
nine other public figures. At the same time demolition of houses 
is gaining . 

The Jerusalem Post of 6.10.69 reporting the demolition of a house 
in Kalkilya added: "This was the tenth house demolished in the 
past fortnight. The first nine belonged to members of various 
terrorist organisations who were rounded up in last months wide 
scale comb out." 

The demolitions are not confined to this townlet but are being 
intensified in Nablus, Hebron, Gaza and other places. 

It is not necessary any longer to take part in armed action to 
lose one's house, alleged membership in an organisation is 
enough, even before it is proved fn a law court. At the same 
time large scale round-tips were carried in Gaza netting dozens - 
according to the Jerusalem Post of 9.10.69 - and in other towns 
in the occupied west bank. 

Further the area of Beit Sahout (Bethlehem area) was put under a 
22 hour curfew for weeks and Hebron was blockaded from the 
middle of September up to 2.10.69 in an attemot to choke it 
economically and thus weaken the growing resistence. 

Moreover, the pupils of a number of schools in Nablus and Jenin 
struck late in September, and thi^ accentuated the tense situa¬ 
tion in the occupied areas. 

It has become clear that the Israeli occupation does not differ 
from other occupation and breeds increased resistence. 


[ 24 ] 



STATEMENT 

by the EDITORIAL BOARD of the AL-ITTIHAD 
at the Press-Conference held in Haifa on 23.9.69 

...IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII.IIIIIIII.....11.1...... 

1. The Press lately spread the rumour that the Government is 
considering re-imposing the military regime upon the predomi¬ 
nantly Arab populated areas in Israel. 

2. The justification - as rumoured in MA'ARIV, HA'ARETZ and AL- 
ANBA was simple: "about half" of the Arabs voted, in the 
Histadrut election, in favour of the NEW COMMUNIST LIST 
(RAKAKH) and thus expressed their "enmity to Israel"! 

3. The concept of re-imposing the military regime, means that 
the Government plans to penalise the whole Arab population 
for an "act" "committed" by part of them. 

4. Since this "act" was simnly voting in a certain manner in the 
Histadrut elections, the Government threatens to victimise 
the whole Arab population because of the active political 
ooposition of oart of them to its policy. 

5. The New Communist List represents not simply a political line, 
but the only alternative political oath. The policy has found 
expression on the Knesset platform, in public meetings and the 
press. Its success in drawing more support among Jews and 
Arabs does not change its legitimate character. It expresses 
the lack of confidence in the ruling circles which is increas¬ 
ing in face of the rulers' adventurist policy. 

6. Neither the New Communist List, nor its Jewish and Arab 
supporters, nor the large percentage of Arabs who voted for 
it feel embarrassed at the hysterical anti-Corrmunist, anti- 
Arab campaign of the ruling circles. On the contrary, all 
feel more optimistic at the growing consciousness of the 
people and their disappointment at the Government policy 
based on perpetualizing the Israeli-Arab conflict with its 
heavy blood-letting. 

7. We believe that the progressive, democratic, and liberal 
forces among the Israeli people will rally and foil the 
reactiojiary undemocratic measure, which threatens all the 
people of the state, not only the Arabs. 

8. However, it should be clear - and this is the purpose of our 
desire to meet with the Press - that the British 
Mandatory Emergency (Defence) Regulations, on which the 
Military Government was based, have never been shelved in 
practice. 

9. Not only were they used to issue mobilization orders in order 
to break legitimate strikes - the Postmen, for example - but 

[ 25 ] 


they are being used oppressively ggainst hundreds of 
political activists opposed to the Israeli official policy. 

10. Those hit are mainly Arab comnunists and progressives, v/ho 
had opposed the aggressive June 1967 war, and the official 
Israeli policy of established facts and expansionism. This 
policy is expressed by the Government's refusal to withdraw 
from the Arab occupied areas, on the one hand, and by a large- 
scale settlement in these areas, on the other. 

11. The oppressive measures we have in mind assume different forms. 
Some of the most conspicious forms : 

a) Administrative arrest and detention without judicial 
remedy. 

b) Confinement within a certain municipal area. 

c) Hou-se arrests which compel victims to stay at home from 
sunset to sunrise. 

d) Deportations. 

12. Specifically speaking, besides all Arab members of the Central 
Committee of the Communist Party of Israel (New Communist List), 
and other progressive elements, all the members of the 
Editorial Board of the newspaper AL-ITTIHAD, the monthly 
review AL-JADEED and the organ of youth, AL-GHAD - Emile Touma, 
Ali Ashour, Muhammad Khass, Mahmoud Darwish, Sarnih el-Kassem, 
Issam Abbassi, Salem Jubran and Nabil A'weidah - are victims 

of the restriction orders. On Mahmoud Darwish and Salem 
Jubran house-arrests have been imposed, confining them in 
their homes from sunset to sunrise and also daily presentation 
at a police station. The others are not allowed to leave 
their place of residence - Haifa. 

Recently the Police authorities, acting on instruction "from 
above", have refused to issue movement permits to any of the 
editors, whatever the purpose of their trips: 

- Whether to lecture in Tel-Aviv or Jerusalem of Ramat Gan or 
Nazareth (Emile Touma and others); 

- Whether to visit their families in the villages of Makar or 
Rama (Mahmoud Darwish and Sarnih el-Ka^sem); 

- Or to attend internal Party meetings: Political Bureau 
(Emile Touma) Central Committee of the Communist Party of 
Israel (Rakakh) (Emile Touma, Ali Ashour), joint editorial 
board with ZO HADEREKH (all editors of AL ITTIHAD). 


[ 26 ] 


13. 


All this means that Press freedom is restricted and torn to 
bits. This aspect of the restriction constitutes a danger 
to the whole press. 

14. We hold that these restrictions are not related to security 
needs. They are also imposed on lawyers, such as Hanna 
Naqqara, Ali Rafa, Muhammad Me'ari and Sabri uerais of 
Haifa, Abdel Hafez Darawshe of Nazareth, Anis Shakour of 
Acre and others. Lawyers Abdel Hafez Darawshe and Ali Rafa 
are under house arrest from sunset to sunrise and have 
daily to present themselves at the police station of their 
respective towns. This too is not related to any security 
needs. 

The authorities intend by means of these instructions to 
impair the rights of those opposed to the Government's 
policy - the rights of waging political struggle, and to 
raise obstacles before this legitimate struggle. 

15. Vfe hold that the defence of democracy is vital to Israel and 
its development. 

16. We also insist that the alternative of the Communist Party 
of Israel (New Communist List) is not only legitimate but 
holds the only way for a political peaceful settlement to 
the Middle East crisis. 

17. It is only those who call for expansionism and the positions 
of the "Movement for a Complete Land of Israel" who endanger 
the future and security of Israel, 

18. We will not be deterred by these restrictions. We shall 
continue to call for a peaceful solution of the Israeli- 
Ay'ab conflict, a solution based on the legitimate rights of 
both peoples - the Israeli and the Arab - and will insist 
on the implementation of the Security Council Resolution of 
22.11.1967. 

19. We shall continue to propagate the idea of Jewish-Arab 
fraternity as a means to build a future of peace and co¬ 
operation in our region. 

20. We do not ask the Israeli Press to identify itself with us, 
but we ask it to defend our elementary right to struggle 
free'"'/ for our political convictions. Such freedom of 
struggle is in the interest of democracy and national 
security. 

Haifa, 23.9.1967 


[ 27 ] 


MASS ARBITRARY DETENTIONS 

n IIII M IIIIIIIIIIII M II11IIIIII11IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII 


On October 22, 1969, the communist parliamentary group arranged 
a Dress conference for the Israeli press and correspondents of 
the international press and agencies in order to give publicity 
to the wave of arbitrary arrests and detentions carried out 
against activists, sympathizers and election candidates of the 
Communist Party of Israel, in Nazareth and other Arab communities 
in Israel. 

The press conference was opened by comrade David Kheni n , member of 
the Political Bureau and Secretary of the Central Committee of 
the Party. At this conference comrade Emile Habibi , M.P., member 
of the Party's Political Bureau read the following statement and 
answered questions. 

STATEMENT (slightly abridged) 


The facts 

1. On the morning of Monday, 6.10.69, a criminal bomb explosion 
occurred in the market of Afula, resulting in the death of an 
elderly citizen and injuries inflicted on nearly 30 persons, among 
them women and children, Jews and Arabs. 

On the next day, in Nazareth and the villages of Galilee, our 
Party distributed tens of thousands of -leaflets in which this 
shedding of innocent blood in the Afula market was sharply branded. 
The leaflet said; 

"The criminal explosion which occurred yesterday in the Afula 
market has aroused feelings of condemnation and apprehension 
among all infiabitants, Jews and Arabs in Afula, Nazareth and in 
the villages of Galilee. We sharply condemn this crazy, criminal 
deed against innocent women, children and men, and sympathize 
with them in their pain and grief. By this condemnation we 
express the opinion of the Arab masses in Israel, who have chosen 
the path of mass political struggle and who are fighting for 
Jewish-Arab solidarity in the common struggle" for the just aims 
of a life of peace and brotherhood together with the Jewish 
people in the common homeland. 

"These mad acts, such as that explosion in Afula, which have been 
condemned by our Party, do not serve the just cause of the 
Palestinian Arab people but assist those who try to falsify the 
aims of the just struggle. 

"We do not accept the arguments of the organizations which have 
reported that they are responsible for the explosion, i.e. that 

C 28 ] 







this was an act of revenge for the Israeli action against 
Lebanese villages in which civilians too had been hit. One can¬ 
not fight against criminal actions that are directed towards 
civilians by similar actions; this only hits at the real forces 
of peace - Jewish and Arab ones." 

2. On the day of the explosion the police started an operation 
of mass detentions, in the main directed against members, 

activists, sympathizers , and election candidates of our Party. 

Tens of Arab citizens were detained, part of whom were subsequently 
released. In detention remained mainly members, sympathizers and 
election candidates of our Party. 

3. On the 18.10.69, the police detained nine more citizens - all 
of them members of our Party. When he brought them before 

the judge in order to get orders for their arrest, the representa¬ 
tive of the police reported that the police do not accuse them, 
but only interrogate them. 

4. (The statement gives names and addresses of those remaining 
under detention). 

At the same time, for the same reason, advocate Azat Darawshe of 
Aksal village, the chairman of the Arab Students' Committee in 
Jerusalem, was detained. 

The statement gives the names and addresses of those detained on 
Oct. 18.) 

All these are members or sympathizers of our Party and in their 
majority are active in the election campaign. Among them there 
are old members of our Party, branch secretaries and activists of 
the Young Communist League of Israel. 

5. We know of cases of soliciting by village headmen and activists 
of the Alignment (of the Labour Party and Mapam - transl.). 

For example, there is one Abraham Dayan , an agent of the Zion 
Insurance Company who caused the Police to release some detainees 
by extracting from them the promise to support the Alignment or 
the two Arab lists connected sith the Alignment. 

6. The'detainee Jaber Mahamid of Urn Al-Fahem was brought before 
a judge in Hadera who is also the Chairman of the District 

Election Commission. When the judge heard that the police had not 
at all interrogated the detainee in connection with this alleged 
crime, but only had interrogated him concerning what newspaper he 
reads and which list he supports, he refused to prolong his deten¬ 
tion, and then the police brought him before another judge who did 
the bidding of the police and prolonged the detention. 

[ 29 ] 






AM -'the detainees-expressed before court their condemnation of 
the explosion in Afula and-said that they had no connection 
whatever with that crime and had not been in the vicinity. The 
fact that the police do not interrogate the detainees in.connec¬ 
tion with-that act, but only concernino their Political views, 
indicates the political vengeful ness, their wish to harm our 
Party in the electoral struggle. 

7. These detentions have aroused general anger in the public, 
as the political attitude of the communist detainees and 
those who are Party sympathizers is well-known; as the public 
knows that they resolutely oppose criminal and adventurist acts 
of encroachment upon innocent civilians, and as the public knows 
the scandal of the detentions on the very day of the elections 
to the Histadrut Congress in Arabeh village. 

What happened in Arabeh? On the morning of the day of the 
Histadrut elections. Sept. 2, 1969, slogans, were seen on the 
road leading to the village and on walls of houses in the 
village, such as: "Long live A1-Fatah", "Assifa", "Saika" and 
others. But this time there happened to be eye witnesses from 
among inhabitants of the village who saw who painted those 
slogans. The eye withnesses went to the Local Council who called 
the police. The eye withnesses reported to the police officers 
the names of- the "painters" who are - the organizers of the 
Alignment activity in Arabah, one of them was the chairman of the 
ballot box commission on behalf of the Alignment. However, the 
police did not only fail to detain the wrong-doer, but detained 
the witnesses and some other 50 villagers, who were released 
after the elections. The Arabeh Local Council convened a press 
conference in Haifa and reported this scandal. The retort of the 
police was, as told in the press, that they had interrogated by 
means of the "truth machine" the three men charged, but could 
find nothing wrong in their evidence. That is to say the police 
did not even examine their handwriting. 

There has also been the shocking case of the detentions in May of 
this year of the pupil Omar Biyadsi of Baka Al-Garbiyeh. He was 
released by the judge after he heard the evidence given by a 
police withness saying that the police had forced him to give 
false evidence against his colleague, so that the latter could 
be accused of painting extremist slogan^ in the school. 

We wish to protest against the fallacious use of the police in 
the election campaign, which after all will pass, but the harm 
done by this behaviour will remain afterwards. We do not ignore 
the hostility of the authorities against us and our way. We will 
continue to struggle for a peaceful way-out from the present 

[ 30 ] 


circle of bloodshed. 

But we are full of apprehension THAT THIS POLITICAL HOSTILITY 
PREVENTS THE POLICE FROM CARRYING OUT THEIR DECLARED TASK OF 
GUARDING HUMAN LIVES AGAINST SUCH CRIMINAL DEhDS, AS THE EXPLO¬ 
SION IN AFULA. BY THEIR ENCROACHING UPON OUR COMRADES, IN SPITE 
OF THEIR KNOWING WELL THAT THESE COMRADES ARE NOT CONNECTED IN 
ANY WAY WITH ACTIONS OF THAT SORT AND OPPOSE SUCH ACTIONS, THE 
POLICE DO NOT LOOK FOR, AND THUS DO NOT FIND THOSE WHO ARE 
REALLY RESPONSIBLE FOR THOSE CRIMES. Before our eyes a miserable 
spectacle of political hostility is being revealed, showing the 
helplessness of the police. By arranging spectacular detentions 
of innocent people, they try to mislead public opinion, as if 
chey were successful in carrying out their tasks, and afterwards 
they are obliged to release the detainees. This time, the police 
attempt, guided by the Alignment leaders and by their local 
henchmen, at sabotaging the election campaign of the communist 
list. These detentions, the restriction orders imposed on the 
majority of the activists of our list among the Arab population, 
the campaign of libel and incitement against our Party, the 
th’reats against the Jewish and Arab members and supporters of 
our Party - all these also injure the democratic character of the 
elections. 

We demand the release of all political detainees and the stopping 
of all pressures on part of the authorities on the voters. 

* * * 


On Oct. 22-23, 5 houses in Haifa were mined, resulting in the 
death of two persons and many injured. On the morning of Oct. 

23, the Haifa Branch of the Communist Party of Israel issued a 
statement to the press which said in part: 

"We condemn the criminal mining carried out in Haifa yesterday 
and today in dwelling houses against peaceful citizens. 

"We always have expressed our opposition to all kinds of 
terroristic acts directed against peaceful citizens. These acts 
do not serve the cause of the struggle for the just rights of 
the Palestinian Arab people. 

"Police carried out mass arrests among the Arab citizens of 
Haifa, and created an atmosohere of terror and awe. Among the 
detainees are well-known personalities, members of our PaHy,like 
the poets Mahmud Darwish , Samih El-Qasem and Salem Jubran , and 
YCL secretary Waji Seman . Police alleged that these detentions 
are for the purpose of investigation. 

[ 31 ] 






"We strongly protest against the detention of our members, in 
face of the well-known attitude of our Party towards acts of 
this kind. 

"These detentions are arbitrary acts, coming a few days before 
the elections, in order to hinder our electoral struggle. 

These mass detentions sharoen the hostile atmosohere and the 
suspicion against the Arab population’ in. Haifa and harm the 
good neighbourly relations between Jewish and Arab citizens in 
the city. 

"We demand the immediate release of our detained members and of 
all innocent detainees. 

"The sole way to end bloodshed and all hostile acts is the way 
proposed by our Party - full implementation of the November 1967 
Security Council resolution." 


[ 32 ] 


WAR ECONOMY IN ISRAEL 
By Tamar Gozansky 

We re-produce here the central portion of the article written 
by comrade Tamar Gozansky for No.2 of the theoretical organ of 
the Party "Arakhim" (Values). In the opening section of her 
article, comrade T. Gozansky gives some facts on the growing 
militarization of the Israeli economy. 


War Economy and circulation 

The meaning of militarization is the diverting of a substantial 
portion of the social product for military objects, and there¬ 
fore it cannot but affect the social re-oroduction and the 
cyclic development of capitalism in a given country. This 
'influence is the more pronounced the longer the militarization 
is being continued. 

The diversion of the economy to the preparation and conduct of 
war brings about the establishment of new enterprises, to wide- 
scope investments in transport (roads, harbours, vehicles), to 
the increase in the number of employed in branches directly or 
indirectly connected with the military production. This sort 
of expansion is even liable to achieve what is called a 
"military boom" - an economic boom expressed by the narrowing 
of the number of unemployed, the admission of new workers 
(womien and youth), and the expansion of oroduction. 

But parallel with this process there occurs another process, 
which is also caused by the militarization of the economy and 
which carries within itself an internal contradiction: From 
the general production of the economy an ever-increasing part 
is diverted to military objects, and as a result of this the 
civilian production is narrowed, and there is a decrease in 
sources for new capital investments in non-military branches 
and for the satisfaction of social needs. The branches produ¬ 
cing for the civilian market suffer from a lack of a skilled la¬ 
bour forces, of raw materials and credit, and are often forced 
to limit their production. On the other hand rises in prices 
and heavier taxes - which are an inevitable result of the 
militarization - bring about a decline in the buying power of the 
workers and the other wage earners and even of a part of the 
middle strata, and in the end 'ead to the creation of surplus 
goods and even to a crisis of surplus production. 

These two processes develop parallel, and the concrete condi¬ 
tions of each country determine which of the processes will have 
[ 33 ] 



the upper hand at this or that stage of the development. An 
instructive example of the impact of the militarization process 
is afforded by the development of the American economy. 

The aggravation of the Vietnam war caused at a certain stage a 
"military boom": 1.5 million of neople passed over to working in 
enterprises-of the military industry and in so-called strategical 
laboratories. The US Government substantially increased the 
military budget and its orders from the military industry. The 
result was the acceleration of the economic growth, a decline in 
the number of unemployed and.;, the declaration of President 
Johnson in January 1969, according to which the USA had got rid 
of cyclic depressions. 

But the economic flourishing turned out to be corroded by 
contradictions. Already in October 1966 an official publication 
of the First National City Rank stated that "it seems we are hav¬ 
ing a flourishing military economy together with a narrowing 
civilian economy". (Re-translated from the Hebrew). Indeed, 
though since 1961 the American economy has not experienced any 
profound crisis, is has during- this period passed a number of 
depressions (end of 1962, spring of 1965, end of 1967). The 
aalloping inflation which accompanied the accelerated increase 
of the military production, forced Johnson before the termination 
of his office to proclaim a policy of economic recession - the 
narrowing of government expenditures for civilian objectives, a 
raise of the income tax by 10%, a limitation of credit for the 
public, a rise of the rate of interest, a limitation of private 
building. 

Analyzing this development of the American economy, the U.S. 
economist, Hyman turner wrote "Economic Trends and Penspectives", 
Political Affairs, No. 5, 1969.): 

"In_an all-out war economy, the insatiable demand for war goods 
temporarily obliterates all else, but in a partial war economy 
such as the present one the production of civilian goods remains 
at a high level and symptoms of overproduction are not long in 
making their appearance.". 

Despite all the differences betv/een the economy of the USA and 
that of Israel, this conlusion throws light on the prospects of 
the development of the Israeli economy, which finds itself 
already for the third year in conditions of a partial war and of 
a steady rise in military expenditures. 

Here in Israel too we have witnessed an economic tide in the wake 
of the steep rise in military expenditures (though this does not 
mean that without the militarization of the economy there would 

[ 34 ] 



have come no boom period)- The summaries for the year 1968 
showed an increase by 45% in investments, of 14% in the national 
product and by 9% in employment. How far this boom was connected 
with the increase of military production can be learned from the 
example of the metal industry. In 1968 the metal industry raised 
its production by 50%, but 90% of this increase came from the 
increase of military orders and only 10% from the increasing 
demand for metal products in the civilian market. 

Today there exist already signs for the slowing down of the tide, 
and this in spite of the continued growth of the military exoen- 
ditures. Prof. M. Michaeli has not long ago predicted (Ma'ariv 
-23.7.69.) that "at the end of this year and at the beginning of 
1970 one can expect a substantial limitation of the demand". 

At the same time Prof. Michaeli points out that " the decrease in 
demand and the signs of retreat will chiefly characterize the 

civilian sectors, while the sectors working for the satisfaction 

of defense demands will continue flourishing ". 

In Israel too one may expect a situation of a "flourishing 
military economy side to side with a narrowing civilian economy", 
as the situation has been described in the USA. This development 
obliges the Government to decide about employing economic means. 
But among the economists there exists a divergence of opinions 
in this question. 

One group of economic experts believes that it is possible to 
stem the sliding down of the economy into an economic depression 
by a "mini=recession",by deflationist steps similar to the steps 
taken in 1965. They suggest to limit the rise in private 
consumption, to prevent "over-employment" (this means - to 
increase unemployment) and to raise the taxes (chiefly the 
indirect taxes). These proposals are supported - among others - 
by Dr.Lehmann, the general manager of Bank Leumi , by 
Dr. Hal peri n , the general manager of Bank Hapoalim, Dr. Horovitz 
the president of the Bank of Israel, and by the well-known 
American economist, Robert Natan who participated in the last 
millionaires' conference. By the way, R. Natan substantiated his 
support for an increase in taxes on the ground that the Israeli 
economy is unable to provide at this moment "guns as well as 
butter" (Jerusalem Post - 15.7.69.). 

Another group of economists, among them Prof. M. Michaeli and 
Dr. H. Barkai from the Hebrew University, consider the devalua¬ 
tion of the Israeli lira as the best way-out. Their chief 
argument is that "the economy will not politically be able in 
the next few years to bear a recession...to fight at the front 
and at the same time having recession at home - this is impo- 

[ 35 } 












ssible" (H. Barkai -Maariv, 15.8.69.) and "the Dublic will not 
be able to bear a heavy defense burden, with all its psychologi¬ 
cal significance, as well as a heavy recession which is expressed 
by unemnloyment" (M. Michaeli, Maariv - 23.7.69.). In their 
ooinion the devaluation would cause on increase of exoorts and a 
decrease in imoorts, and thereby the dwindling of the foreign 
currency reserves would be prevented. 

The members of the first grouo too believe exoort ought to be 
augmented, but they claim, and rightly, that a substantial 
devaluation of the Israeli lira would necessarily bring about 
a big rise in prices, would accelerate the inflational processes 
and thereby would shake economic stability. 

As it turns out, according to the economists, the choice put 
before the Israeli economy is between recession and devaluation. 
But is it indeed possible to give the name of "choice" to a 
development which is dicated by the objective results of the 
economy's militarization? And if theses alternatives are yet 
called a "choice" set before the Israeli economy - in result of 
the June War, of continuing occupation of territories and of the 
increase of military expenditures and war industries - is there 
any need for a further argument to prove the folly committed by 
relying upon the expansion of military production for the benefit 
of "economic development"? 

Nevertheless, there does exist such a "choice", as reminds one of 
a freguently heard joke : One sentenced to death i^ asked, "What 
is your last wish?" He replies, "Make the gallows a bit shorter!" 

The real choice is between the continuation of the partial war 
and the deepening of the economy's militarization on the one hand 
and the retreat from the occupied territories and the decrease of 
military expenditures on the other. The first way will lead to 
the shaking of the economic situation (devaluation, recession and 
similar "choices"), while the second - which can be attained by 
means of implementing the Security Council Resolution of November 
1967 - will enable a relatively fast development of the economy 
without galloping inflation and without big unemployment (even 
though it would not entirely cancel the cyclic character of the 
capitalist economy in Israel). 

Someone might ask: How can one be sure th^at after a retreat 
there will be no economic catastrophe? Well, after the retreat 
in 1957 from the territories occupied in the course of the Suez- 
Sinai War of 1956, there was not only no decline in industrial 
production, but it rose by 13%. And from 1958 on there began 
a lengthy boom period. 


[ 36 ] 



Hence it is clear that the only way to stop the decline in the 
buying power of the toilers, and thereby to prevent an economic 
depression, lies in the diminution of the military expenditures, 
in a policy that strives for a peace settlement. Such a policy 
will enable the diverting of material and human resources 
towards civilian production, will abolish the necessity for a 
deficit financing of the state budget, will prevent the drown¬ 
ing of the Israeli economy in debts and will save it from pay¬ 
ing the interests on these debts. 


Deficit and Inflation 


The militarization of the Israeli economy aggravates negative 
phenomena, such as the expansion of the deficit financing, rise 
in prices and inflation, the increasing deficit in the foreign 
trade balance and in the balance of payments, depletion of the 
foreign exchange reserves, the increase of foreign exchange 
obligations etc. 

In spite of the income from taxes and in spite of the caoital 
import from abroad. Government does not succeed to cover its 
expenditures, and first of all the increasing military expendi¬ 
tures, with the real means in its hands. The government- deficit 
foreseen for this year will be - as in 1967 and 1968 - about 
1,600 million Israeli lira (for the benefit of comparison: in 
the early sixties the yearly government deficit amounted to 
about 300 mi 11 ion I .L.). 

In order to cover the expanding government deficit. Government 
turns to deficit financing - to printing money over and above 
the needs of circulation. For the tendencies to an increment 
in deficit financing seeTable], which outlines the changes 
occurring in the government debts to the Bank of Israel. 


Table 1: Government Debts to the Bank of Israel 

(In millions of I.L.) 


31.12.67 31.12.68 30.6.69 

Treasury bills and other securities 184.6 140.0 166.2 

Long-term advance payments 358.5 305.0 664.2 

Temporary advance payments 369.6 690.1 838.7 

Total government debts to the Bank 

of Israel 912.7 1,135.1 1,669.1 

Source: Reports of the Bank of Israel for January and July 1969. 

[ 37 ] 








The increment in the Government debts to the Bank of Israel is a 
very fast one. If at the end of 1967 the debts amounted to 
little more than 900 million I;L., at the end of 1968 they were 
higher than one thousand and a hundred million I.L. and at the 
end of June 1969 they already reached the vast sum of almost one 
thousand and 700 million I.L. In order to grasp the significance 
of debts of such scope, it will suffice to compare them to the 
government expenditures expected this year. 

According to the estimation made by the Economic Planning Autho¬ 
rity governmental consumption will amount in 1969 to 4.9 
thousand million I.L. On the other hand, if the present trend 
continues, the increment in the government debts during 1969 will 
amount to one thousand million I.L. It follows that the Govern¬ 
ment will be forced this year to finance about 20 per cent of its 
expenditures by deficit financing through the Bank of Israel. 

Deficit financing is also carried out by means of the increase in 
government debts to private banks, suppliers, to foreign countries 
etc. In mid-August reports were published in the press, according 
to which the arrear in the Government's payments to suppliers 
reached hundreds of millions of I.L. As the treasury coffers had 
been emptied, the Government was forced to stop these payments for 
two weeks. The emotiying of the treasury coffers too is explained 
by "special defense expenditures, which had not been anticipated" . 

(Davar - 20.8.69.) 

Deficit financing has always been a hothouse of inflation, of 
rise in prices, the source of which is not economic prosperity, 
nor the fixation of monopolistic prices, but the printing of bank¬ 
notes. The data quoted above clearly testify to the conditions 
having ripened for an inflation, the inevitable results of which 
is the shaking of economic stability and a new division of the 
nationa'l income to the detriment of the workers and for the benefit, 
of the capitalists. 

Have the extensive military expenditures already caused an infla¬ 
tion? The official data have stated that in 1968 the consumer 
prices rose by 2.1%, a rise which does not bear the stamp of 
real inflation. In 1969 the picture -changed: During the months 
^January - July the index of consumer prices rose by 2.5%; hence 
‘the yearly summary will show a rise of the price index by 5%, a 
rise which - mildly expressed - bears the character of a creeping 
inflation. (When in the USA a yearly rise in prices of 5-6% is 
discussed, it is there called a galloping inflation). 

But even if the official data do not yet testify to a substantial 
inflation, it is also important to indicate the expectations among 

[ 38 ] 




the leadership and the public. "A1 Hamishmar" (20.8.69.) 
reported that the Bank of Israel and a part of the government 
■economists are convinced "that action must be taken now, since 
otherwise there exists a serious danger of an inflationist slid¬ 

ing down and the emptying of the remaining currency reserves", 
"Ha'aretz" reported on 13.8.69.: "the public has been seized by 

a profound nervousness" and said that in consequence savers are 
hurriedly acquiring dollar=linked foreign securities and 
durables, such as cares and television sets. 


What possibly testifies more than everything else to the infla¬ 
tionist processes is the frequent talk about the possible 
devaluation of the Israeli lira. Government ministers declare 
categorically that there will be no devaluation. Minister of 
Finance Z.® Sheref said in an interview given to "Ma'ariv" 
(22.7.69.): " I am against a devaluation, I don't think that 
this is needed in today's situation" . But this sort of declara¬ 
tion is really within the bounds of duty of finance ministers. 

As against this, senior economists are speaking about the vital 
necessity of a devaluation, and even state the rate of 5 I.L. 
per dollar as the minimum exchange rate, needed after the 
devaluation. 

It is again the increase in military expenditures which is the 
chief cause for the increase in the deficit of the balance of 
payments and for the decline in the foreign exchange reserves. 

Table 2 : The Deficit in the Balance of Payments and 

Foreign Currency Reserves 

TTh mi 11ions of dollars) 



1967 

1968 

1969 

(forecast) 

1970 

(forecast) 

Deficit in the balance of 
payments 

527 

700 

800 

900 

Freely usable assets 

950 

670 

500 

300 


Source: Report of the Economic Planning Authority, June 1969, p. 
26-27. 


The picture emerging from table 2 is one of a steep rise in the 
deficit of the balance of payments and of a drastic decline in 
the foreign currency reserves. According to the official fore¬ 
casts the deficit of the balance of payments will be in 1970 by 
' [ 39 ] 












70% bigger than the parallel deficit in 1967, and the foreign 
currency reserves will then amount to only 300 million dollars - 
about a third of their level, in 1967. 

These tendencies cause much worry among the heads of the admini¬ 
stration and economy in Israel. The president of the Bank of 
Israel said about the decline in the foreign currency reserves 
that it endangers " not only our economic situation, but also 
narrows the soace for political and defense manoeuvring" 

("Economic Quarterly" - April 1969.). 

When speaking about the narrowing of the maoeuvring space, 

D. Horovitz probably means what is alluded to in the Israeli 
Dress as "the red line" or " the danger line ", and this is to 
exoress the minimum amount of foreign currency reserves, needed 
by Israel "in a oeriod of emergency, when the normal economic 
life will cease" ("Davar" - 20.7.69.) And since the official 
Israel Dolicy relies upon the possibility of a further war - 
which seems to them most reasonable, one can also comprehend 
their anxiety to ensure such foreign currency reserves as will gua¬ 
rantee the import of products and services during three months. 

The economic reporters do not conceal that the main reason for. 
the increase in the foreign exchange deficit and for the decline 
in the foreign currency reserves is the import for military 
objectives. Thus, for. example, the decline by 75 million 
dollars in the foreign currency reser'ves in the course of the 
month of June 1969 has been explained by the necessity to finance 
the acquisition of the Phantom planes. In the same breath the 
same reporters explain that insofar as the present trend will 
continue, one will have to decide upon far-reachinq steps, such 
as devaluation or a rise in taxes. It is only necessary to make 
one rational step forward in order to conclude from this that 
the augmented expenditures for the acquisition of war-planes and 
other military equipment from abroad do indeed lead to a devalua¬ 
tion and to a rise in taxes (after the elections, of course...) 

A considerable portion of the military expenditures of Israel is 
earmarked for the acquisition of military eauioment abroad. 

Therefore the acceleration of the arms race causes the Government's 
need of ever-increasing amounts of dollars, marks and pounds 
sterling. A part of these sums is obtained by the Government 
from various money drives and from the "Independence and Develop¬ 
ment Loan", but the rest it has to obtain in the world money 
market. 

During the last month the press reported about two such loans: 

One - a loan from the United States amounting to 85 million 

[ 40 ] 





dollars (for a term of 10 years and at an interest of 6 per 
cent), and the other - a loan from West Germany to the amount 
of 140 million mark. Welcoming the American loan, "Ha'aretz" 
explains (on 31.7.69.) that " a prolonged stand under the 
present conditions of war necessitates a great deal of money 

which Israel alone cannot raise". At the same time the 

"Ha'aretz" complains that "this sum, too, as well as the 
conditions of assistance are not the best ones. It seems that 
Israel is worthy of receiving assistance under conditions of 
a donation or of a loan for a longer term and with a lower 

interest". 

Israel's foreign debt which amounted at the end of 1967 to one 
thousand five hundred million dollars, will (according to the 
forecast of the minister Z. Sheref, in "Davar" - 15.5.69.) reach 
at the end gf 1969 the amount of two thousand million dollars. 
This fast increase of the state debt in foreign currency 
obliges yearly to increase the payments of principal and 
interest. These payments, which in 1969/70 will (according to 
the forecast) amount to 1.25 thousand million I.L., are liable 
to bring the Government to utter helplessness. 

The joy with which the new loans from the USA and West Germany 
were welcomed, testifies to the intention of the circles ruling 
Israel, to continue their policy of drowning in debts, if only 
this will ensure (so they believe) the policy of force against 
the neighbouring countries. 

The last section of cde. T. Gozansky's article provides data on 
the growing profits of the capitalists and on the growing 
impoverishment of the working people. 

The article is summed up as follows: 

Facing this sombre prognosis, one has to struggle even harder 
to uproot the evil - to bring about a change of the official 
Israeli policy. A retreat from the occupied territories in the 
framework of implementing the Security Council Resolution and 
the diminution of the military budget are not only a matter of 
justice for "the other side" and for the attainment of real peace 
and security for the people of Israel, but also a vital necessity 
for the Israeli economy and the only way to prevent the accele¬ 
rated impoverishment of the Israeli working class.. 


[ 41 ] 










.STATEMENT OF "MATZPEN" AND COMMENTS OF "ZO HADEREKH" 

II II II II II II II II II II II II M II II II II I.. II ..I II II ..I II II II II II II II ..I II II 11 " 11 II II II II II II II 

The organ of the Communist Party of Israel, "Zo Haderekh" was 
requested by the Israeli Socialist Organization ("Matzoen") to 
publish a statement. In accordance with this request, "Zo- 
Haderekh" published the full text of the statement, followed by 
comments of the Editorial Board of "Zo Haderekh". 

Statement of "Matzpe n" 

All ask for your vote - 

All the parties appeal to you - 

All promise peace. 

The parties of the right promise peace by means of additional con¬ 
quests. They speak about the "Land of Israel in its historical 
boundaries", "from the Euphrates to the Nile". These parties 
completely ignore the existence of the Palestinian people. 

The ruling party and Mapam, which is trailing after the former, 
promise peace by means of perpetualizing the latest conquests. 

They do not recognize the fundamental rights of the Palestinian 
people and claim that its problems will find their solution in 
the Arab states. 

Maki (the Mikunis-Sneh Group -transl.) and "Haolam Haze" put out 
many plans of their own, all based upon the continuation of the 
occupation - until the arrival of peace. These parties condescend 
to admit the existence of the Palestinian people and preach the 
solution of its problem by Israel, without even asking that people 

Thus there is a broad coalition of peace seekers, in which there 
are represented all currents of Zionism: maximalists and minima¬ 
lists, extremists and moderates, hawks and doves. And even shame¬ 
faced Zionists, such as Moshe Sneh and Uri Avneri. 

If you support the present policy - the choice is'easy. There is 
a great assortment. Many parties. Many platforms. Many promises 
Many delusions. 

If you oppose the present policy and wish to protest against it 
by means of the poll - you stand before a difficult problem: 

Whom should you support. To whom should you give your vote? 

Do not give your vote to Sneh or Avneri, if you wish to protest. 
They pretend to constitute an opposition to the regime and its 
policy, but you have to remind them of their positions and their 
declarations in moments of the tests in May and June 1967. 

[ 42 ] 



Remember the total justification which Sneh gave and still gives 
to the Israeli policy, under the guise of revolutionism and 
communism. Remember the call of Avneri to "march on Damascus" 
and his voting for the annexation of Jerusalem. 

This nice pair always aoplauds every Israeli demonstration of 
force, whether it is a war of a "limited action", suoports the 
continuation of the occuoation and justifies deportations, 
arrests and blowing-up of houses. At the same time they talk 
peace. 

This nice pair has taken upon itself another task: to revile us, 
to falsify our positions and to incite against us - because of 
our demand for the immediate and unconditional evacuation of all 
the occupied areas. They call us "traitors", "enemy agents", 
"enemies of* the people". 

Well, who should be supported in the elections ? 

There is only one party which stands outside the camo of the 
regime and its puppets, and which is worth to be supported. 

This is the New Communist List in Israel ~ the Communist Party 
of Israel. 

Under the present conditions the voting for the CP of Israel 
does certainly not signify any vote of identification with this 
party and the complex of its opinions. This is a protest vote 
against the present policy. 

This is the only possibility to vote against the occuoation, 
even for this simple reason: all other narties do not even speak 
about and do not mention "occupation" and "occupied areas". Such 

words and expressions do not exist in their dictionary. For all 

these parties occuoation does not exist. 

However, the CP of Israel does not only oppose the occupation - 
it is also the only party out of all parliamentary parties which 
unites in its ranks Jews and Arabs; it is the only one among 
them that battles against the oppression of the Arabs of Israel; 
it is the only one among them that is persecuted by the regime; 

it is the only one among them that battles against the means of 

oppression in the occupied areas. 

We have a sharp and extensive dispute with the CP of Israel,both on 
international and on local questions. This dispute relates to 
ideological as well as to daily problems. The CP,of Israel 
itself from time to time calls us "adventurists" and "anti- 
Sovietists". 


[ 43 ] 



For example: The CP of Israel wholeheartedly supports the Soviet 
policy and lauds the Soviet Union's policy of peaceful co-exis¬ 
tence with American imperialism. We oppose this policy as it is 
anti revolutionary. 

The C.P. of Israel does indeed appreciate any regime that 
entertains friendly relation with the Soviet Union but we 
determine our own relation toward each regime in accordance 
with its class character and its part in the world anti-imperia¬ 
list struggle, and not according to its relations with the Soviet 
Government. 

The CP of Israel believes one may arrive at peace on the basis of 
the regimes which today exist in our region, and that it is 
possible to solve the Israeli-Arab conflict on the basis of 
continued existence of the Zionist regime as well as of the 
petty-bourgeois and reactionary regimes in the Arab world. We 
believe that this is a dangerous delusion, which harms the anti- 
imperialist struggle of all the peoples of the Middle East. 

The CP of Israel believes that it is possible to arrive at a 
solution of the Israli-Arab question by means of agreements 
among the big powers them selves - agreements which would after¬ 
wards be accepted by the governments existing in the region. We 
believe that this is an attitude that is opposed to the interests 
of the peoples of the region; it misleads the masses and harms 
their struggle against the pro-imperielist regimes - the Zionist 
regime as well as the reactionary regimes in the Arab world. 

In our opinion it is possible to solve the Israeli-Arab conflict 
only by means of a victorious socialist revolution in the entire 
region - such a revolution is the only guarantee for the solution 
of the problem of the various nationalities which live in the 
Arab world, not only the Kurds and the South-Sudanese, but also 
the Jews of Israel. 

The CP of Israel does not accept this position. But these ques¬ 
tions cannot be solved by means of Knesset elections and they 
are not being decided right now. The question posed before 

you today is: how to protest, by means of the elections, against 
the present pi icy. 

In our opinion there is only one way: to vote for the New 
Communist List in Israel - the Communist P^rty of Israel! 


[ 44 ] 


Comments of the Editorial Board of "Zo Haderekh" 

We cLppreciate the decision .of the Israeli Socialist Organization 
("Matzpen") to support in the Knesset elections the list of our 
Communist Party, the New Communist List in Israel. 

A strenghtening of the CP of Israel in the Knesset elections will 
strengthen the struggle against the prevailing policy of occupa¬ 
tion and annexations, the struggle for a just and stable peace 
between Israel and the Arab states. 

At the same time, the statement of "Matzpen" argues against the 
DOS icions of our Party, which causes us to make the following 
comments: 

It is well-known that between the Communist Party and "Matzoen" 
there exist fundamental differences in many ideological and 
political questions, such as: the struggle against imoerialism, 
for national independence, peace and socialism; relation to the 
Soviet Union; the struggle against imoerialism in the Middle 
East, the Israeli-Arab conflict and the ways to its solution, in 
the questions of the struggle for peace between Israel and the 
Arab countries; in internal Israeli questions, concerning the 
character of the Israeli society, the class struggle within it, 
the relation to the Histadrut; in the question of rallying a 
Deace front in Israel and the struggle for changing the regime. 

The following comments will be only concerned with three subjects 
which are treated in the statement: 

1) We are an inseparable part of the international communist 

movement, which heads the historical struggle against imperia¬ 
lism, for advancing the cause of national and social liberation, 
for the prevention of a world war, for the triumph of peace, 
liberty of the peoples and socialism in the whole world. The 
socialist countries - and first and foremost the Soviet Union - 
bear a special responsibility towards this historic struggle. 

Since the Socialist October Revolution the Soviet Union fulfills 
a decisive role in the global struggle waged against imperialism 
and for the victory of socialism, the tireless struggle of the 
Soviet Union against imperialism, its weighty support for the 
struggle of the peoples for national and social liberation, for 
the struggle for peace and the prevention of a world,war - has 
won the solidarity of the international working class and the 
peoples which are battling against imperialism. In this historic 
struggle our Communist Party was and is in solidarity with the 
Soviet Union. 


[ 45 ] 



Our Communist Party fully supports the peace policy of the 
Soviet Union. The struggle of the Soviet Union and of our 
communist movement for the prevention of a world war and for 
peaceful co-existence between, countries with different social 
regimes, is a correct struggle, which serves the anti-imperia¬ 
list struggle and the interests of the working class, assists the 
victory of the cause of national liberation, peace and socialism. 

The policy of peaceful co-existence between socialist and 
capitalist countries is no "new invention" of the Soviet Union 
and is not anti-revolutionary, but on the contrary revolutionary. 
This is a Leninist principle which remains in force as long as 
there exist two systems in the world: the capitalist one and the 
socialist one. It is precisely imperialism which has apprehens¬ 
ions about this Leninist policy, for it prevents the export of 
counter-revolution. 

Our movement rejects any attempt to falsify the policy of peace¬ 
ful co-existence between countries with different social regimes. 
The struggle of our movement, the struggle of the Soviet Union 
for the success of the policy of peaceful co-existence - i.e. 
for the prevention of a world war - fundamentally constitutes a 
strugale against imperialism, for tying the hands of imperialism, 
for curbing their designs to overcome their internal contradic¬ 
tions by means of sharpening international tension and set on 
fire foci of war. 

Our communist movement rejects the attempt to present the policy 
of peaceful co-existence as "preservation of the social and 
political status=quo in the world" and as "an ideological truce 
with imperialism"... The opposite is true. 

In the funadmental document of the world Consultative Meeting of 
the Communist and Workers' Parties, which convened in Moscow in 
June 1969, it was stressed that the policy of peaceful co¬ 
existence does not contradict the right of any oppressed people 
to fight for its liberation by any means, it considers necessary- 
armed or peaceful. Every people has the right to defend itself 
with weapons against the encroachments of the imperialist 
aggressors and to receive the support of the socialist countries 
and of all peoples in this just struggle. The decisive all-round 
assistance given by the Soviet UnioiT to the Vietnamese people for 
waging its heroic fight against the aggression of American 
imperialism, proves that the Soviet Union pursues a consistent 
anti-imperialist policy. This imnense internationalist assistance 
also proves that the policy of peaceful co-existence does not 
only not contradict the anti-imperialist struggle, but is linked 
by inseverable ties with a resolute struggle against imperialist 

[ 46 ] 


aggression and with all-round support of the struggle of the 
■peoples for national and social liberation. 

The policy of oeaceful co-existence does not only not mean cessa¬ 
tion of the ideological struggle, but conversely, it demands the 
sharpening, broadenina and deepenina of the ideological struggle 
against imperialism, the intensification of the class struggle 
against imperialism on a national and international scale, for 
the liquidation of the rule of the monopolies in the capitalist 
countries and for the establishment of a socialist system. The 
communists in the entire world stand in the first ranks of this 
struagle. 

The leaders of the Vietnamese people, who fight in the front ranks 
of the anti-imperialist struggle of our days, have a correct 
Leninist appreciation of the policy of the Soviet Union. The 
greeting conveyed by Dr. Nguyen Huy Thou, Chairman of the Presi¬ 
dium of the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam, to the 
23rd Congress of the Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union, said: 

"Guided by the Party of the great Lenin, the heroic Soviet people 
has attained immense achievements which are of utmost importance 
for the lofty revolutionary cause. The Soviet Union... fulfills 
an extraordinarily important role in the common struggle of the 
peoples of the world for peace, against imperialism and colonia¬ 
lism, headed by the USA, for independence, democracy, peace and 
social progress. 

"The people of South Vietnam highly appreciates the great achieve¬ 
ments of the fraternal Soviet people and considers them a victory 
of the entire progressive mankind. Our people expresses its 
profound thanks to the Communist Party, the Government and the 
people of the great Soviet Union and will never forget the weighty, 
ever-increasing aid, which they are extending to it in the 
patriotic struggle against American imperialist aggression". 

We therefore consider that anti-Sovietism is anti-revolutionary, 
as the Soviet Union is the main revolutionary power in the world. 
Whoever appears against this power, does an anti-revolu¬ 
tionary action. 

2) It is not correct that the CP of Israel "lauds any regime 
that maintains friendly relations with the Soviet Union". 

A state with a reactionary regime too, may , out of its own 
calculations, maintain friendly foreign relations with the Soviet 
Union. But the CP of Israel does not laud the regime in that 
country. Afghanistan is a case in point. And so was Yemen when 

[ 47 ] 


it was still a kingdom. 

At the same time, it would not be correct to draw a line of total 
separation between a friendly.policy towards the Soviet Union and 
an objective share contributed by such a state to the general 
anti-imperialist struggle. Such a separation is not dialectical, 
not Marxist,- but superficial. 

3) It is correct that we strive and struggle for peace between 
Israel and the Arab countries. It is correct that we 
consider the feasibility, or at least do not deny the possibility, 
of the establishment of peace even before the triumph of socialism, 
in our region. One ought not to make the attainment of peace 
conditional on the victory of the struggle for socialism, parti¬ 
cularly in our epoch, with the present balance of forces in the 
world. 

Of course, eternal peace and the full conclusive solution of all 
national questions will only be attained after the triumph of 
socialism in the whole world. But the present argument is not 
about this. 

Our Communist Party has always emphasized that the struggle for 
peace, for the solution of the Israeli-Arab conflict on the 
basis of ensuring the rights of the people of Israel and of the 
Palestinian Arab people, and the anti-imperialist struggle - that 
these struggles are interconnected and dialectically affect each 
other. 

Our struggle in Israel against the alliance with imperialism of 
the Israeli rulers against the Arab anti-imperialist national 
movement, our struggle for an anti-imperialist, democratic 
national front in Israel - is an inseparable part of our 
struggle for peace between Israel and the Arab countries. 

The continuation of the present conflict in the Middle East, 
which was created subsequent to the June War, bears within 
itself grave dangers to peace in our region and in the entire 
world. Under these conditions it is the urgent task of all anti- 
imperialist forces of progress in Israel, in the region and in 
the world, to struggle for the implementation of the Security 
Council Resolution of November 22, 1967, which ensures the 
evacuation of all the areas occupied in the June War by Israel, 
a just solution of the question of the Arab refugees, and at the 
same time the abolition of the state of war, the recognition of 
the right to sovereign existence of every state in our region, 
including Israel, within secure and recognized borders > and 
also free navigation for all countries. 


[ 48 ] 


The anti-imperialist forces in Israel, in the region and in the 
world are struggling for the implementation of the Security 
Council Resolution. It is the rulers of ^srael, suoported by 
the American imoerialists, who sabotages the implementation of 
this resolution. 

To describe the efforts of the Soviet Union in the international 
arena which are intended to bring about the imolementation of the 
Security Council Resolution, to curb the imoerialist desians in 
our region, towards a just and stable peace settlement for the 
benefit of all the peonies of the reaion - and our Party's 
sunnort to these efforts, as "an attitude that is contradictory 
to the interests of the oeonles of the region" etc. - such a 
description is not only far from reality and from truth, but it 
expresses an attitude that means paralyzing any mass activity 
aqainst the regime in Israel and pulling out the pro-imoerialist 
reaimes in our region, and first of all the regime in Israel, 
from their isolation in the international arena. 

The position that only a victorious socialist revolution in the 
whole region can solve the Israeli-Arab conflict is fatalistic. 

In fact, this means rconcilino oneself to the existing situation 
and enabling the ruling circles in Israel to continue occupation. 

The establishment of an Israeli-Arab peace will serve the cause 
of the peonies and will deal a heavy blow to imperialism in the 
region and to the pro-imperialist policy of the ruling forces of 
Israel. 

A peaceful settlement between Israel and the Arab countries will 
bring about the intensification of the class struggle and the 
anti-imperialist struggle in Israel and in the Arab countries 
alike. The conflict in the region curbs the struggle of the 
peonies for socialism. And the elimination of the conflict will 
hasten the revolutionary social processes. 

We hope that the activity of the members of "Matzpen" for the 
success of the list of the CP of Israel in the elections will 
also afford a possibility for a businesslike clarification of 
the guestions under discussion. 


[ 49 ] 


MATERIALS AND DOCUMENTS 

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Israel sent, 

over the signature of its Secretary General, comrade Meir Vilner 

the following messages of greeting, respectively condolence, to 

Central Committees of fraternal Communist and Workers Parties. 

The letter to the C.C. of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany 

read as follows : 

On the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the foundation 
of the German Democratic Republic, please accept our heartiest 
congratulations, the expression of the sincere appreciation and 
friendship of the Israeli communists, Jews and Arabs. 

The twentieth anniversary of the G.D.R. is a great holiday not 
only for the citizens of your country and for your Party, but 
also for the international working class and communist movement, 
for all progressive mankind. 

The establishment of the first workers' and peasants' peaceloving 
state on German soil has been of world-historic importance. It 
irreversably cut off part of the German nation from imperialism 
and enabled them to direct their talent and enthusiasm towards 
building a new socialist society. Under most difficult condi¬ 
tions, as aftermath of 12 years of fascist terror and indoctrina¬ 
tion, of the destructive aggressive war of the nazis, you had to 
build socialist society. And you have succeeded. 

The G.D.R. has become a mighty bulwark of peace in Europe, against 
the revanchist West-German imperialists, an intergral and important 
part of the community of socialist states, of the Council for 
Mutual Economic Assistance and of the Warsaw pact. 

The great success of the G.D.R. is due to the S.E.D. that realized 
the aspirations of the best sons of the German working class. Your 
principled Marxist-Leninist ideological stand, your unwavering 
adherence to proletarian internationalism, your clear proletarian 
class position has greatly furthered the education of your youth 
and people, as it has become a valuable asset of our international 
movement. 

The great success of the G.D.R. is due to its alliance with the 
great Soviet Uni on, in face of continuous and increased imperialist 
intrigues and aggressiveness. 

The colossal political, economic, moral and military power of the 
Soviet Union has made impossible imperialist intervention against 
the socialist German Democratic Republic. We much appreciate your 

[ 50 ] 








friendship with the Soviet Union as one of the most positive 
characteristics of the G.D.R. and its people. 

For LiS, the people of Israel, hundreds of thousands of which 
have so bitterly suffered from the racist anti-Semitic and 
genocide policy of the Third Reich, the fact that there exists 
another Germany is of particular importance - another Germany 
that has eradicated racism and anti-Semitism, that is educating 
in the spirit of peace and peoples' brotherhood, and accordingly 
lead-ing its internal and foreign policy. 

The close all-sided connections of the Israeli ruling circles 
with the revanchist imperialist ruling circles of Western Germany, 
examplify their general reactionary Zionist policy. 

We Israeli communists who are fighting against the dependence of 
Israel on Washington and Bonn imperialists, against the official 
policy of aggression and annexation, for a just and lasting peace 
with the Arab states on the basis of fully implementing the 
November 1967 Security Council Resolution - are encouraged by the 
solidarity of the G.D.R. and S.E.D. 

Dear Comrades, 

We wish you new great successes in your struggle against imperia¬ 
lism and war, for peace and for building the advanced system of 
socialism in the G.D.R. 

Long live the German Democratic Republic ! 

Long live the Socialist Unity Party of Germany! 

Long live Marxism-Leninism I 

Long live proletarian internationalism I 

Long live peace and communism ! 


[ 51 ] 


The teleqramme of condolence sent to the C.C. of the Vietnamese 

Working Peoples Party said: 


Together with you we Israeli communists mourn the death of the 
great Ho Chin-Minh. With his passing away, the Vietnamese people 
and mankind lose and eminent revolutionary leader and wise 
statesman, a veteran leader of the International communist and 
workers' movement, a remarkable anti-colonial fighter guiding- 
the struggle for national liberation and for socialism, a friend 
of all peoples ,a renowned MarxIst-L-enInist and staunch Interna¬ 
tionalist whose shining example educated generations of com¬ 
munists and will Inspire revolutionaries all over the world. 

■*•**** 


The letter to the C.C.- of the Communist Party of Chile read : 

We thank you for the warm words, stressing the traditional ties 
of friendship between our two parties. Included In your Invita¬ 
tion to send a message of greetings to your 14th Congress. 

Your Congress meets at a time of deep-going changes In the whole 
continent and of Important tasks facing the people of your 
country. We are sure that the deliberations and decisions of 
your Congress will be of great significance to your party and to 
the whole people. 

With great Interest we follow your successes In building the 
unity of the working class and all tollers of your country In 
the struggle for raising Its living standard. In defence ot Its 
rights, for the revolutionary transformation of society, for 
socialism. 

With great'llnterest we follow your struggle for uniting growing 
parts of the people in the struggle against Yankee Imperialism, 
for freeing the economy of Chile from the fetters Imposed by 
foreign monopoly capital. 

We are united with you In our common endeavour to strengthen the 
Marxist-Leninist unity of the International communist movement, 
toj’ntensify the world-wide struggle of all anti-Imperial 1st 
forces, to stand up against nationalism and anti-Sovietism, harm¬ 
ful to the cause of peace and socialism and to the Interests of 
the peoples. 

We Israeli Communists, Jews and Arabs, are In the midst of a 
difficult election campaign and political struggle In which we 

[ 52 ] 





fiqht against imperialist machinations, for an alternative to 
continued bloodshed in our region, for a just and lasting oeace 
arrangement through fully implementing the Security Council 
resolution of November 1967. 

Dear Comrades, 

We wish your 14th Congress fruitful work that will decisively 
contribute to strengthen the anti-imoerialist and anti-feudal 
revolutionary struggle of the Chilean peoole and advance the 
cause of peace and democracy,national independence and socialism. 


The letter to the C.C. of the Communist Party of Denmark read ; 


In the name of all communists of our country, Jews and Arabs, 
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Israel, sends 
you heartiest congratulations at the occasion of the 50th 
anniversary of the foundation of your Party. 

Your Party has unswervingly served the working oeoole of your 
country and guided its struggles for defending its standard of 
living and its democratic liberties; it has guided and educated 
the Danish working class towards the socialist future of your 
country. 

Your Party has led the anti-imoerialist struggle of the Danish 
people against the encroachment of foreign monopoly capital upon 
the economy of your country, against German fascist occupation, 
against the orientation of the ruling circles of your country 
on NATO and its aggressive policy. 

Your Party has kept high its faithfulness to the principles of 
Marxism-Leninism, to proletarian internationalism, in face of 
the repeated ideological attacks of the class enemy, from out¬ 
side and from within the party. 

We Israeli communists are united with you in our common attach¬ 
ment to the general line of the international communist movement, 
as laid down by the International Meeting of Communist and Workerd 
Parties, held in Moscow in June of this year. 

We are united with you in our common struggle against US and 
West German imperialism, endangering European security as it is 
harming - with the help of the Israeli rulers - the security of 
the peoples of the Middle East, including the people of Israel. 

[ 53 ] 



We wish you, dear Comrades, many successes in your struggle for 
peate, national independence, democracy and socialism. 
******* 


The C.C. of the Conmunist Party of Israel also sent a telegramme 

of greeting to the Chinese People's Republic, which said : 

On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the foundation of the 
Chinese People's Republic we extend to the Chinese communists, 
the workers and all .the Chinese people warm communist greetings. 
We wish the great Chinese people successes in the socialist 
up-building and in the struggle for the victory of the cause of 
peace, national independence, democracy and socialism. 


[ 54 ] 





HX 632 Al W9 no.1124 

^Vorlct communism in the 20th 
cen tury• 


0172047A MAIN 


i 













OCTOBER 1969 


I